Copyright and AI in a World of Whiplash Public Policy

copyright

I have not added a copyright post here since March 19, when the DC Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed in Thaler v. Perlmutter that works produced autonomously by generative AI (GAI) are not protected under U.S. copyright law. Although it is good to see the human authorship doctrine in copyright left undisturbed, it is a fleeting moment of sanity within a warped national reality.

As reported earlier, Open AI appealed to the administration’s focus on China as a basis to argue that “beating China” requires ignoring the copyright claims of authors whose works are used to train AI models. Not only is that claim wrong on it’s face, but the conduct of the current administration vis-à-vis civil rights forces millions of Americans to ask whether China is an adversary or a role model.

One mirror in the funhouse reveals a compelling bipartisan hearing held by the Senate Judiciary Committee, Subcommittee on Crime and Counterterrorism, where Chairman Hawley and colleagues from both parties offered strong endorsements for the courageous testimony of Facebook whistleblower Sarah Wynn-Williams. Focused primarily on Meta’s engagements with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)—and Zuckerberg’s lying to Congress about that very issue—the committee cited other abuses described in Wynn-Williams’s book, like the company intentionally targeting vulnerable teens. (More about the book Careless People in another post.)

Ordinarily, I compartmentalize copyright matters from other criticisms of Big Tech, but here, the stories overlap, even if Meta is the only target of the committee’s investigation at this time. First, throughout her testimony, Wynn-Williams repeats the theme that Meta used the “but China will win” argument to oppose Congress taking any meaningful regulatory action. This alone should cast doubt upon Open AI et al. making the same argument as a rationale for mass copyright infringement for model training. As Senator Klobuchar noted, there was no basis for prior claims that enforcing various consumer safeguards (e.g., Kids Online Safety Act) would be counter-productive to national security, and in that light, Congress should decline to believe the same story in regard to copyright infringement.

Meta may be unique—or uniquely situated—as a clandestine partner to the CCP, but it is also notable that the committee mentioned the role of Meta’s Llama AI and heard Wynn-Williams’s testimony that the product was used by the CCP for “AI weapons” and for the development of the Chinese LLM DeepSeek. Further, Wynn-Wiliams offers a theory about the open source versus closed model AI competition in the marketplace. “There’s a lot of money on the line,” she says. “In some ways you could say, if you want open source to prevail, it helps to have a strong threat from a Chinese model so you can say that it’s really important that America wins, and we’re the American open-source option. And I think you can see the way that strategically plays out.”

“But China will win” is pretty much what Open AI told the Office of Science and Technology Policy in its letter arguing that machine training with copyrighted works is per se fair use. But looking at Meta (which is currently being sued in the Kadrey case), consider the perspective:  in developing Llama, not only did Meta scrape the literary works of millions of authors and journalists, and not only did it source pirate libraries for that purpose, but it also deployed that same AI power in the interests of a nation that brutally kills freedom of expression. Yes, of course, I’m thinking the same thing because it’s unavoidable. The current U.S. administration has engaged in multiple First Amendment and other constitutional violations, including assaults on the free press, and thus, the policy whiplash.

Couple these optics with the volume of evidence that the real power behind the destruction of the administrative state is a small group of tech billionaires pushing an anti-democracy ideology called the neo-reactionary movement (NRx), and the idea of advocating creators’ rights seems all but futile. After all, is it remotely sane to think that an administration of semi-literate, 1A-infringing, book banners will care about the rights of authors—let alone reject the tech-bros who wrote the destruction manual for the United States?

Setting aside the copyright questions raised by GAI training, Big Tech’s wanton harvest of artistic and intellectual works as lifeless raw material is perhaps the ultimate expression of the cyberlibertarian’s disdain for human beings as mere repositories of data to be exploited and manipulated. The rhetoric of Big Tech ideology—from 4Chan to the halls of academia—is the authoritarian principle that individuals must be sacrificed for the sake of the collective. All rights are a nuisance to the tech oligarch, and authors are the last people any authoritarian wants to empower.

Open AI’s claim that mass copyright infringement is necessary to “beat China” is paradoxical—either willfully or naively blind to the fact that when we treat works of authorship as mere fodder for the machine, we don’t beat the CCP; we emulate it. Further, not only is the claim overstated that GAI development is a matter of national security, but again, what does “national security” even mean at present? Concepts like American interests, values, innovation, global security, etc. are all diminished, if not wholly swallowed, by the reckless destruction of the principles and institutions that distinguish America as a leader among democratic nations. And copyright rights are in those same crosshairs.

In response to copyright’s critics, especially those in academia with Big Tech funding their work, I have argued that the diversity and scope of America’s creative output has been essential to its strength as a democracy. Whether one looks at the economic value of the core copyright industries, the cultural value of diverse creative expression, or both, the rationale for intellectual property is to incentivize useful innovation and legitimate greatness.

American authors—from historians to rockstars—are the legacy of an aspiration expressed by Noah Webster, the father of American English and of American copyright. In 1783, advocating the first state copyright law in Connecticut, Webster argued that “America must be as independent in literature as she is in politics—as famous for arts as for arms.” By contrast the “greatness” proclaimed by Trump is tautological and brittle just like Big Tech’s claims to “innovation” are often vague and misleading.

As proposed in my book, the inclusion of copyright in Article II was one of the more egalitarian and democratic choices made by the founders, even if they did not wholly grasp its potential. At the most basic level, copyright incentivizes creative expression by any citizen anywhere, and the American model largely fulfilled that traditional Republican principle that the market, not the government, decides what is successful.

The copyright questions presented in roughly 40 cases are difficult and novel. Moreover, the facts presented vary, and thus, the outcomes will vary, especially on questions of fair use. In the meantime, it is clear that at least some of the major AI developers are engaged in a campaign to appeal to the current administration to treat copyright rights much as it is treating other constitutional rights—as principles to trample in a march toward something very un-American.

David Newhoff
David is an author, communications professional, and copyright advocate. After more than 20 years providing creative services and consulting in corporate communications, he shifted his attention to law and policy, beginning with advocacy of copyright and the value of creative professionals to America’s economy, core principles, and culture.

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