I haven’t written about enterprise scale piracy in a while. Not because it’s gone anywhere. Quite the contrary, it’s still growing. But it is easy to feel as though all the major points have been covered, that there is nothing much new to say on the matter. Somewhere on this blog, there is at least a post or two responding to just about every rationalization for piracy, and there seems to be little value in repeating most of that. But a new report released by Digital Citizens Alliance, in collaboration with NAGRA Kudelski, does reveal a couple of new topics that deserve the attention of consumers, law enforcement, and policymakers.
The report
titled Money for Nothing focuses on the multi-billion-dollar trade in illegal
Internet Protocol Television Services (PS IPTV) that DCA currently estimates to
be worth at least one billion dollars annually from U. S. operations alone. In
a nutshell, the consumer sees an ad, often on a social media site, that offers
hundreds, or even thousands, of channels for an inexplicably low subscription
fee. The customer buys a black box similar to a cable converter that is typically
preloaded with firmware that will stream material (both live TV and recorded
motion picture content) that is illegally obtained worldwide through a vast
network of pirate server operators.
On the one
hand, a consumer who takes an offer to access that much material for $10-$15 a
month ought to know something ain’t right; but at the same time, I think about
the number of senior citizens who so often fall prey to what would seem like
obvious scams. And given the dramatic ways in which TV viewing has changed in last
decade or so, it is plausible that many a Boomer might believe these services
are legitimate. After all, these illegal services look very slick, with
on-screen user interfaces that work just like legit services. And isn’t piracy
about free access?
“Because subscribers are paying someone for the content, and because the storefront websites and apps are often well designed, and posing as legitimate, some consumers may believe they are using a legal service.“
The DCA/NAGRA report estimates that there are about nine million American households currently subscribing to pirate IPTV services, and this is a significant number relative to subscription TV overall. In 2013, there were an about 100 million households subscribing to pay TV, today that number is about 86 million, and it is predicted that by 2023, this number will drop to around 73 million subscribers.[1] Those stats measure traditional paid “cable” services and do not reflect how many households have “cut the cord” but also switched to other paid services like Netflix, Hulu, Amazon Prime, etc.
For instance, Netflix enjoys 167 million U.S. subscribers, and most customers subscribe to more than one of these services, suggesting that willingness to pay for TV and film entertainment is still fairly healthy overall. At the same time, however, nine million pirate IPTV users in a dynamic market is a number to keep an eye on, and it would be useful to have some insight into both the motives and the general understanding among these subscribers. Are they belligerent and still rationalizing piracy? Are they naïve and don’t know that they’re subscribing to criminal organizations? Are they viewers who “cut the cord” but simply want cheap access to TV channels, etc. in addition to the major streaming services?
Whatever the motives or attitudes may be for subscribing to these services, both consumers and law enforcement should be aware that, in addition to harming legitimate production and distribution models, pirate IPTV providers are one part of a whole smorgasbord of online criminal activity. As DCA has reported in the past, piracy sites are honeypots where a visitor has a roughly 30% chance of contracting malware that can be used for identity theft, ransom schemes, spying on households by controlling devices, or directly obtaining money, credit card numbers, or passwords.
Moreover,
the new reports states, “NAGRA also found a scheme
where the residential Internet connections of pirate IPTV customers are turned
over to others – who could potentially use them for illegal activities, such as
accessing child pornography, committing fraud, or participating in cyber
attacks.” What that means is that the IP addresses of the subscriber
base can be tasked as a distributed VPN used by criminals to hide their tracks
while engaging in various illegal activities.
So, not only does a pirate IPTV subscription help support cybercrime, but subscribers themselves can wind up implicated if their IP addresses are used in connection with certain activity. So, it is not farfetched to think that paying $10/month for that all-access pass can result in a knock on the door by authorities wanting to question the subscriber about accessing child pornography or some other crime far worse than media piracy. And it cannot be a fun conversation to alibi a major crime by admitting to a lesser one.
The Money for Nothing title derives
from the fact that even the smallest players in the IPTV “industry” can generate
substantial profit margins from relatively little investment—because of course
they don’t bear the cost of licensing the material they distribute. One irony
that’s hard to miss in this regard is that DCA describes a hierarchy of
retailers buying distribution credits from wholesalers, which is fundamentally
a licensing scheme, albeit for contraband material. Funny how permission is a
constant, even among a network of thieves.
As consumers continue to change their viewing habits, and legitimate creators continue to adapt to the changing market, DCA and NAGRA are right to ask that policymakers track the development of these unlicensed IPTV services. Even if they were not directly antagonistic to legitimate distribution models (and they are), they remain intertwined with trafficking, extortion, child pornography, identity theft, and other forms of cybercrime. And nine million supporters of that activity is a lot more than too many.
UPDATE: As originally published, I made too casual use of the term IPTV without the qualifier “pirate.” There are legal IPTV services. Thanks to Hugh Stephens for the note.
Even under normal circumstances, anyone can be forgiven for missing the memo that by the end of this month, the Librarian of Congress, Dr. Carla Hayden, will make her pick for the new Register of Copyrights. The process has been going for so long that I assume that at this stage Dr. Hayden has her choices down to a handful of candidates or fewer on the shortlist. And while I do not know who the candidates are or, therefore, anything about their views on copyright, I do know that there remains a substantial effort by well-funded parties to alter the foundational principles of American copyright law. And not in the interest of creators or society in general.
Ever since
the internet revolution promised to “make the world a better place,” the
aggressive headline adopted by copyright’s most prominent critics has been that
“copyright is broken” and needs “rebalancing” in the digital age.
Unfortunately, this egalitarian sounding notion has proven to be insidiously unbalanced,
skewed toward the interests of major internet platforms to the continued
detriment of authors of creative works. Especially independent authors.
By any
sensible observation, the big internet companies are doing just fine, while
creators’ rights are being trampled in cyberspace. So, if there is truly any
rebalancing to be done, it cannot justifiably be a recalibration toward a more platform-friendly
direction, as evangelized by many prominent academic and institutional copyright
skeptics.
Technological
Change is Nothing New to the USCO
But even
if those market realities were not plainly observable, any suggestion that the
next Register must be more adept than their predecessors at “balancing” new
technologies with the rights of authors should be dismissed as ahistorical
rhetoric. Balancing technological innovations with the rights of authors is not
a novel core competency for the U.S. Copyright Office. From the moment the
first Register was appointed in 1897, the newly created Office began
immediately grappling with the technological inventions that were already transforming
the nature of copyright in the late nineteenth century, and which were about to
catalyze a wealth of diverse cultural expression in the twentieth century.
Register Thorvald Solberg, who was not even an attorney, was arguably the principal architect of the 1909 Copyright Act, the first truly modern (i.e. technologically savvy) copyright law, not only in the U.S., but possibly in the entire Anglo/American copyright lineage up to that time. As scholar Zvi S. Rosen notes on his Mostly IP History blog, Solberg diligently studied every extant and proposed copyright law in the United States between 1789 and 1904. At the same time, this deep dive into the purpose and nature of copyright was contemporaneous with rapidly changing technologies that were dramatically transforming the creation, distribution, and use of works of authorship.
Advances in printing methods, photography, phonographs, motion pictures, and player pianos all contributed to a technological revolution no less provocative at the threshold of the twentieth century than the arrival of the public internet and related digital technologies have been at the threshold of the twenty-first. But until the 1909 Act, prior revisions to American copyright law were somewhat ad hoc legislative tweaks that had yet to truly reckon with the changing nature of a law that originally protected maps, charts, and books.
For instance, when photography was added in 1865 and then challenged as a protectable medium almost twenty years later, arguably nobody in Congress had really considered the nature of authorship in this first mechanical means of creating images. Today, many of the themes from that seminal confrontation with photography are repeated as we consider the implications of new machine-made works in an age of artificial intelligence. Thus, the contemporary technological landscape may be fresh ground for legal theorists, but it is not wholly uncharted territory. “The Register of Copyrights has long been tasked with dealing with the intersection of copyright law and technology,” Rosen commented to me by email. “In fact the 1909 Act’s adoption of technological neutrality – use of ‘all the writings of an author’ instead of an enumerated list of types of works – represented a recognition that the Register would be tasked with evaluating whether a new type of work was a writing of an author.”
Solberg’s
historical analysis of the entire legislative history, including the thinking
behind every proposal up to 1904, set the tone for what the role of the Register
would become—not just a chief clerk managing registrations and deposit copies,
but a thought leader helping to define the contours of copyright law in context
to the dynamic ways in which works may be produced, used, and made available.
The next Register should be someone who keeps faith with this tradition, and
certainly not someone who sees the Copyright Office as a forum for radical
revision of legal doctrine, under the misguided belief that the digital age asks
unique questions rather than variations on familiar themes.
Changes
in Distribution Methods Do Not Upend Copyright’s Principles
Although
the most powerful internet and technology companies like to tell us that their platforms
and apps “change everything,” we must remain mindful of the fact that many of these
shiny new toys have actually been less revolutionary in a copyright context than
the technological changes emerging during Solberg’s tenure. After all, most internet
platforms are primarily just new methods of distribution (or in copyright terms
“making available”) and this hardly recommends a holistic rethinking about
copyright’s nature or purpose.
For
example, Spotify and other music streaming platforms, while nearly obliterating
both broadcast radio and recorded music, have in no way altered the nature of
music making or the cultural value of music listening. But these companies have
exploited pre-internet copyright regimes in order to direct most of the
financial value in sound recordings into their coffers, while leaving most music
creators a pauper’s stake in the all-digital market. So, just in regard to this
one category of creative works, any suggestion that copyright needs
“rebalancing” in favor of the internet giants is as immoral as it is
economically untenable.
Claims
of Imbalance at the USCO Have Been Greatly Exaggerated
Readers may remember (though it seems a trifling matter today) that when Dr. Hayden was first appointed Librarian in 2016, the anti-copyright crowd became positively giddy at the prospect that she was a crusader determined to fix everything they allege to be “broken” in copyright law. I wrote at that time that the Librarian has never been the de facto copyright expert in the United States—not when Librarian Ainsworth Spofford first consolidated registration under the control of the Library in 1870, and not when the Register position was first created in 1897.
That same misguided anticipation of Dr. Hayden as presumptive copyright “reformer” practically effervesced when then Register Maria Pallante was rather suddenly, and mysteriously, dismissed; and this was because Pallante had become the focal point for copyright critics endeavoring to accuse the Office of being “culturally captured” by major rights holders. But even a peek under the surface of those claims suggests that anyone in the Register’s position who was (heaven forbid) a proponent of copyright, would have been likewise accused.
For example, in contrast to many shrill accusations of cultural capture and bias in the DMCA Section 1201 Triennial Rulemaking, I would challenge anyone to read the reports and show how the USCO has failed to largely favor petitioners seeking reasonable exceptions under those provisions. Or one could look to the USCO brief in the Fourth Estate case (2019), siding with tech industry and library amici on an important procedural question of registration. The list goes on, but the point is that we are justified in asking whether certain parties really want a “more balanced” Register or want a Register who is ideologically hostile toward copyright?
That question may be rhetorical, but it is no exaggeration. It alludes to a longstanding and still simmering debate in copyright history. Those who view copyright as a necessary evil—as a mere privilege granted to authors in order to get what society wants from them—naturally approach the law quite differently from those who view copyright as a matter of justice, a natural right of creators, but one with certain limits. The truth is—and public opinion supports this all the time—copyright is a bit of both. Most people, even if they are not versed in the law, consistently show that they discern both the inherent justice of authorial rights and the utilitarian nature of market incentives to produce and distribute works.
As I say,
I do not know who the Register candidates are. But to the extent that Dr.
Hayden seeks a fresh perspective in the current market, I hope she understands
that where new legal thinking is needed, it should be to ask how we can better
protect individual authors against massive, exploitative technology companies.
And certainly not the other way around.
Photo of Minerva. Handy, Levin C, photographer. Congressional Library. Minerva. Washington D.C, ca. 1897. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2013646342/.
Google and
its supporting amici rely substantially on painting a landscape of a contemporary
software industry that is highly dependent on what they describe as
“reimplementation” of certain types of computer code. Specifically, Google
maintains, that the “declaring code” they copied for the production of the Android
platform is so exemplary of standard practice that Oracle’s claim of
infringement threatens the manner in which the industry has learned to operate
over the last two or three decades.
That’s one
version of the story, and it’s a narrative that has partly been written by the
ten-year Google v. Oracle litigation itself. The other (one might say
simpler) version is that in 2005, Google saw that the freight train called Mobile
had already left the station and was about to squash its dominant position in
online search and advertising, and the company raced to build a platform that could
scale very quickly, in an effort to maintain said dominance. Achieving that aim
required Android to attract developers to rapidly build apps for the platform,
and that, according to Oracle, is the reason Google copied 11,000+ lines
of “declaring code” without license, rather than writing its own code to
perform the same functions.
Google
counters that the “implementing code” component of the Java methods is where
the creativity lies, and that because they wrote their own implementations in
conjunction with Oracle’s declarations, they did not infringe anything. This
bifurcation of the Java components, along with the reimplementation argument,
and even the metaphor of a train about to smash into Google’s ad business, all
brings to mind a seminal copyright case from 1868 called Daly v. Palmer.
The infringed work in that case was a single scene in a stage play, and the
matters raised, including the context of the theater industry at the time,
offer an interesting analogy for considering Google v. Oracle.
As a
matter of copyright statute, we know of course that computer code is squarely
in the category of “literary works.” A colleague once explained it to me by saying,
“Think of code as writings that a computer can read.” Fair enough. But
for the purposes of this post, let’s compare software to “dramatic works”
because the infringed work in Daly v. Palmer, I would argue, is
analogous to “declaring code,” and the infringer in that case (just like Google)
wrote what we might call his own “implementing code,” as well. But this did not
distract Judge Samuel Blatchford of the District Court for the Southern
District of New York from seeing where “a piracy” had been committed. First,
some background …
Daly,
Boucicault, and the Age of Spectacle
The
sluggishness with which the United States approached the protection of foreign
authors—roughly sixty years of dithering on what was typically summarized as
the “international copyright question”—contributed to a post-war theater
industry rife with plagiarism and unlicensed adaptations. In particular, New
York producers entertained the city’s growing middle class in a frenzied, ad
hoc, process that did not resemble anything like modern theater production. A
show (often some unlicensed adaptation of a European story) might be on the
boards for little more than a week, and a show that ran for a month was a hit.
In this hodge-podge market, creative poaching—call it the reimplementation
of its time—was not only common practice, it was essential for any theater
manager who hoped to remain in operation.
In this atmosphere
of constant churn, it is important to understand (with regard to Oracle)
that when John Augustin Daly thrilled audiences in 1867 with the exciting
railroad rescue in his play Under the Gaslight, this scene was the
invention that made his melodrama a megahit for its time. Now a cliché, of
course, the sequence is as follows: a
young man is tied to the tracks; the train is fast approaching; a heroine, who
is locked in a nearby shed, breaks free and releases the man just before the
train rushes across the stage, leaving the pair unharmed.
When
Daly’s “railroad scene” was soon reimplemented in the London play After
Dark, dramatist Dion Boucicault set the same sequence of events in the Underground
with different characters, different dialogue, and slight variations on the
action—and, of course, in the context of an entirely different story. But Daly
believed his creation had been appropriated and that Boucicault had copied the
most valuable component of his play, especially in a time when such spectacles
were box-office gold. Thus, when After Dark was arranged for production
in New York, Daly filed suit, principally to enjoin the use of his “railroad
scene,” at least in America.
Stage
Directions are Like Declaring Code & Computers Are Like Observers
Daly was seminal for three main
reasons. First, it helped clarify the meaning of the “public performance” right,
added to the bundle of copyrights in 1856. Second, it affirmed that part of a
whole work can be protected by copyright. And third, it is generally viewed as
the source of the “ordinary observer” doctrine, which considers whether a
regular individual, perceiving an allegedly infringing work, will reasonably
find that it is a copy of (i.e. “substantially similar” to) the allegedly
infringed work.
Judge Blatchford,
who would be appointed to the Supreme Court in 1882, found that Boucicault’s
“railroad scene” had infringed Daly’s creative expression. He affirmed that the
stage directions were individually and sufficiently expressive, regardless of
the words used to instruct the dramatic action and separate from any dialogue,
or other elements, in each scene. He then held that Boucicault had copied what
we would today call the “heart” of Daly’s work.
Boucicault’s play
contains everything which makes the “railroad scene” in the
plaintiff’s play attractive, as a representation on the stage. As, in the
case of the musical composition, the air is the invention of the author, and a
piracy is committed if that in which the whole meritorious part of the
invention consists is incorporated in another work, without any material
alteration….
Daly’s
“declaring code” (if you will indulge the analogy) breaks down thus:
Character
A is confined in a space behind a locked door. Character B is helpless on the
tracks. Lights and sounds herald a fast-approaching train. Character A uses an available
tool to break free of confines. Train gets closer. Character A sprints to
remove Character B from tracks. Train races across the proscenium. Nobody dies.
These instructions,
regardless of the words used, are commands that the performers and stage hands
must follow in a specific manner in order to effect the desired result—fear
followed by relief—in the observers. And because these commands are the
structural elements of the dramatic scene (i.e. not colored by dialogue,
production design, or even the overall story), we can analogize them to
“declaring code” in a single API. They are unquestionably part of the
whole expression the audience experiences, but they are creative on their own
and, again, the heart of Daly’s mental conception. Now, compare Daly’s stage directions
to this example from Oracle’s brief describing one of its declarations:
Give me a security key (which I’ll
call “verificationKey”) that you want me to use to verify a signature that you
previously gave me. Also tell me the algorithm I should use to verify the key
(I’m calling that “verificationEngine”). Caution: You can’t just give me any
algorithm. The algorithm must meet specified requirements that you can find
elsewhere (a class I call “Signature”). There are two ways this might not work
(“exceptions”)—the key might be wrong (“InvalidKeyException”)or the algorithm
might be wrong (“SignatureException”). If so, I’ll give you an error message.
If the signature is valid, I’ll say, “True” (that’s what “boolean” means).
One need
not have a clue what any of that means to consider that declaring code (stage
directions), directing certain operations in a certain sequence (performers), will
yield a certain result from a computer (audience). And because software experts
tell us that there is creativity in how one designs, expresses, and organizes
declaring code, just as a dramatist will say the same thing about stage
directions, we can assume the creativity is present, even if we are not
programmers. Judge Blatchford correctly identified that Daly’s creativity lay
in the design, organization, structure, and timing of the “railroad scene,” and
held that it was sufficiently expressive.
Google, with its emphasis on the “implementing
code” code component asks the Court to come to the opposite conclusion, to retroactively
hold that Daly’s stage directions merely constructed a non-creative environment
in which the “real” expression took place. Like Google, Boucicault also based part of his defense
on the creativity he brought to the table, emphasizing the ways in which he had
transposed, or colored, his “railroad scene” differently from Daly’s. Judge Blatchford rejected this premise and articulated the “ordinary
observer” doctrine at the same time, writing:
“A mere mechanic in dramatic
composition can make such adaptation, and it is a piracy, if the appropriated
series of events, when represented on the stage, although performed by new and
different characters, using different language, is recognized by the spectator,
through any of the senses to which the representation is addressed, as
conveying substantially the same impressions to, and exciting the same emotions
in, the mind, in the same sequence or order.”
While it
may be odd to think of a computer as an “ordinary observer,” it is in fact the
most ordinary of observers, one that responds predictably—not by displaying
emotions like relief or pathos, but by displaying results like data, text,
images, sounds, calculations, functions, etc. Daly’s “railroad scene”
directions (his declaring code) elicits a distinct kind of thrill from the
audience (computers), without barring any other playwright (code developer)
from producing a similar response from audiences by means of equally dramatic,
but distinct, rescue scenes.
Protecting
Expression, Not Results
The same generalized
concern was raised in Daly as it is in Google v. Oracle. If Daly were
granted his injunction, it was feared, this would be tantamount to granting him
a monopoly on an idea—perhaps extending him the right to license all scenes
involving trains nearly hitting people or all nick-of-time rescues. In fact,
Daly did try to overreach in this regard, but importantly, “…even with respect
to its core holding, subsequent cases narrowed Daly rather than
expanding it,” writes copyright scholar Bruce E. Boyden.[1]
The Second
Circuit did not even allow Daly to extend his complaint to a production of After
Dark with a modified railroad scene. Specifically, that court held, “…in
all except the rescue by a third person, the complainant was not the first to
conceive the story,” stated the opinion. So, even in those nascent years for
both the dramatic arts and modern copyright law, Daly’s protection was almost
immediately limited to the “reimplementation” of his particular rescue
sequence for use in stage plays. He was not granted copyright on all
nick-of-time rescues nor indeed all narrow escapes from oncoming trains. Thus,
it seems fair to consider, at least by analogy, that protecting the creativity of
Oracle’s declaring code (if it is indeed analogous to Daly’s railroad scene) is
not coextensive to a monopoly on the desired results.
Don’t
Get Stuck on the Wrong Analogy
At first
glance, Daly might appear to offer the wrong defense for Oracle.
One could get hung up on the fact that Daly and Boucicault each used different
words (code) to instruct performers in order to produce the same general result
for audiences, and that this is the relevant distinction in Google v.
Oracle. In fact, Oracle has averred that if Google had used its own code to
achieve the same result, this litigation would have no foundation; and one
might be tempted to argue that this is where my whole analogy breaks down. But
only if we misread Daly. Judge Blatchford states …
“Boucicault has, indeed, adapted
the plaintiff’s series of events to the story of his play, and, in doing so,
has evinced skill and art; but the same use is made, in both plays, of the same
series of events, to excite, by representation, the same emotions, in the same
sequence. There
is no new use, in the sense of the law, in Boucicault’s play, of what is found
in the plaintiff’s ‘railroad scene.’ The ‘railroad scene’ in Boucicault’s play
contains everything which makes the ‘railroad scene’ in the plaintiff’s play
attractive, as a representation on the stage.”
Stagecraft
(declaring code) is creative. Moreover, Judge Blatchford’s reference to the
“attractiveness” of Daly’s scene is a soft allusion to the market-based motive
for Boucicault’s copying so valuable a scene, which brings us back to the other
reason Daly is an interesting framework for reviewing Google v.
Oracle. One could, of course, critique the analogy because Daly
entails non-literal copying while Google entails literal copying, but
Google probably would not want to go there, since case law recommends stronger
protection where literal copying has occurred.
A
Reminder that Reimplementation is Another Word for Copying
In addition to Judge Blatchford’s opinions in Daly v. Palmer, the history surrounding that case reminds us that the claims of any industry’s “need” to copy should always be viewed skeptically. Despite the fact that chronic appropriation (including by Daly and Boucicault) unquestionably catalyzed an abundance of theater activity in the nineteenth century, few of the plays from that period would be viewed by modern audiences as terribly “original.”
As was the
case with American publishing in the nineteenth century, investment in new
dramatic works—and Boucicault was among the preeminent dramatists to suffer in
this regard—was stifled until the 1891 copyright law adopted reciprocal rights
with foreign nations and relieved the theater industry from a vicious cycle of chronic
appropriation. Hence, those who, like Google, tend to overemphasize
“reimplementation,” and regard copyright as an intolerable obstacle to their
business models, seem to reflect a lack of imagination that would have failed
to anticipate the explosion of creativity that occurred in the twentieth
century.
In fact, as both creativity and copyright law evolved since 1868, we came to recognize that endless variations on scenes a faire, nick-of-time rescues coexist within in a rich tapestry of dramatic works. Likewise, it is at least plausible—if not irrefutable—that if Google’s copying in this case is held “a piracy,” that somehow creative variety will manage to prosper in the software industry. Therefore, it will be interesting to see whether the Court is persuaded by Google’s allegedly urgent need to copy, or whether it concludes that Google simply dashed onto the tracks to rescue its ad business.
[1] See Bruce E. Boyden, Daly v. Palmer, or the Melodramatic Origins of the Ordinary Observer. https://ssrn.com/abstract=3157782
The Illusion of More is my personal blog from December 2011 to December 2025. As of February 2026, I am no longer posting new blogs or other content, but I hope you enjoy this archive. Please do not attribute any of my writings here to my current or previous employers.
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