Sedlik v. Kat Von D Appeal Prompts Copyright Critics to Weigh In

Sedlik

“One might expect a 140-year history of Supreme Court precedent would have led to a grant of summary judgment below, sparing everyone unnecessary time and money,” states the brief for Jeffrey Sedlik to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. “Copyright infringement should have been decided by the district court as a matter of law, not at trial by a poorly-instructed jury swayed by a celebrity defendant.”

Jeffrey Sedlik v. Katherine von Drachenberg should have been an easy case. Tattoo artist Kat von D copied photographer Sedlik’s 1989 photograph of Miles Davis as a tattoo and also displayed the photograph in social media photos and videos featuring the production of the tattoo as promotion for herself and her business High Voltage Tattoo.

Sedlilk
Kat von D

In 2017, Kat von D made the Davis tattoo on the arm of her colleague and friend Blake Farmer. She could have studied any number of photographs of the jazz artist as references and then inked her own portrait, but instead, she traced and copied Sedlik’s photograph in detail, thereby producing a derivative work without license. Upon discovery of the social media posts, Sedlik reached out to Kat von D to discuss the use of his photograph and was rebuffed. He then filed the first copyright suit in his career, which includes serving as an expert witness in hundreds of copyright cases. He took legal action because he believes artists should respect one another and obtain permission to use works when it is appropriate to do so.

As the quote at the top of this post states, the case should have concluded at summary judgment with an easy finding in Sedlik’s favor. Instead, a jury wound up deciding that 1) the tattoo is not substantially similar to the photo (ergo non-infringing); and 2) several of the social media posts made fair use of Sedlik’s photograph. Sedlik filed an appeal with the Ninth Circuit in October, citing errors of law by the lower court, including faulty jury instructions.

Although courts are appropriately cautious about overturning jury decisions, the appellate court here should agree that the lower court made unfounded legal decisions (and oddly dismissive comments) that were prejudicial to the outcome. Highlights include the court’s failure to properly weigh substantial similarity as a matter of law; excluding Sedlik’s expert testimony at trial about photo licensing; and electing not to communicate to the jury the court’s own findings on fair use, thereby leaving the entire fair use inquiry to the jury, which is inconsistent with precedent.

As one example implicating a confused jury, the Sedlik brief notes, “…the jury determined that eight [social media] posts that were found to be not substantially similar were a fair use, a legal impossibility that the district court would later find to be ‘contrary to the form’s instructions.’” [emphasis added]. This legal impossibility is one of several head-scratchers in the administration of this case, yet the appeal has inspired three amicus briefs* in favor of KVD written by Professors Pamela Samuelson, Rebecca Tushnet on behalf of several law professors, and Christopher Sprigman with Molly Van Houweling.

I am unfamiliar with Van Houweling, but the other three are all prominent copyright critics, and if I can read between the lines, the three briefs express dismay with the Goldsmith v. Warhol decision because it stopped fair use from swallowing the derivative works right. Copyright critics don’t like the derivative works right, and so, each brief targets Sedlik’s underlying complaint from three different perspectives—on fair use, substantial similarity, and (believe it or not) standing.

The Tushnet Brief

Professor Tushnet and amici argue that the jury was properly instructed and arrived at a reasonable finding that the tattoo is not substantially similar to the photo. To support this view, the brief cites a litany of cases in which substantial similarity was not found because, as Tushnet states, “there can be copying without infringement.” Yep. There sure can. Just not in any of the case law relevant to Sedlik.

I agree with the brief that the courts should first focus on substantial similarity before getting bogged down in fair use. In fact, I have stated in other posts that if Warhol had been a substantial similarity case instead of a fair use case, I could see a plausible argument that Andy Warhol did not copy the protectable expression in Lynn Goldsmith’s photograph, but this same consideration is not nuanced in Sedlik. Kat von D painstakingly copied the expression in the Davis photograph, and Tushnet’s list of cases in which defendants’ works were not substantially similar offers no authority for finding lack of substantial similarity in this instance. For example, the brief highlights Rentmeester, in which the photographer of an iconic photograph of Michael Jordan unsuccessfully sued Nike for producing a photo and now-famous logo known as “Jumpman.”

Rentmeester demonstrates that, for instance, the plaintiff cannot protect the idea of a basketball player jumping toward a hoop with his legs posed in a jeté. And the Tushnet brief is right that this is a good example of some copying that is not enough copying to find infringement. Yet, one struggles to see how Rentmeester is instructive to Sedlik where we see meticulous copying of the protected expression. Kat von D shared images and video of herself tracing Sedlik’s photograph and stated publicly that she copied the image “100%.” But at trial, she sought to emphasize small changes made during the process of creating the tattoo.

Likewise, the Tushnet brief overstates the relevance of Kat von D’s “changes,” many of which are necessitated by the medium of drawing with ink on skin, and none of which excuse the substantial amount of copying that is plainly visible to an ordinary observer. The lower court, at various stages of its inquiry, and then by punting questions of law into the jury box, appears to have directed improper attention to the minor distinctions between the two works rather than the obvious and important similarities.

Because the Tushnet brief cites multiple cases of non-infringement that are not analogous to Sedlik, this implies criticism of copyright in photographs, which, as Sedlik’s brief notes in preface, has been settled law for 140 years. In fact, although it is true (as the Sprigman brief discusses) that the derivative works right was not statutory law in 1894, the Tushnet analysis suggests that the Supreme Court in that year should not have seen infringing copying of the photo on the left in the lithograph on the right:

The seminal Burrow-Giles v. Sarony decision, affirming copyrightability of photographs, was not a substantial similarity case, but there, the infringing lithograph is also different in several ways from the photograph—differences that are, again, partly necessitated by the medium. One could even argue that Burrow-Giles did not as precisely copy Sarony’s expression of Oscar Wilde as Kat von D faithfully copied Sedlik’s expression of Miles Davis. For instance, the face of Wilde is quite different in the lithograph, and if Burrow-Giles were litigating today, perhaps they would try to argue that those differences negate substantial similarity or favor transformative fair use.

But as the Sedlik brief states, “It defies one’s eyes and the law that there could be any result other than summary judgment in Plaintiff’s favor.” If Tushnet et al. argue that the von D tattoo is not substantially similar to the Sedlik photograph, then it seems they believe that only literal copying is a basis for infringement—i.e., that Sedlik’s right to prepare derivative works should be narrowed to the point of irrelevance.

The Samuelson Brief

Professor Samuelson’s brief addresses fair use, which can only refer to the jury’s finding that some of the social posts displaying Sedlik’s photograph were fair use.[1] In summary, she argues that 1) juries can properly decide fair use where facts are in dispute; and 2) the Warhol decision does not disturb fair use findings where the secondary use does not comment on the work.

Samuelson also misstates that Sedlik requested that the jury decide fair use and now appeals because he does not like the outcome,[2] and she implies that Sedlik’s claim of infringement would require a narrow application of fair use inconsistent with the Supreme Court’s holding in Warhol and Google v. Oracle. By my lights, the Samuelson brief argues a straw man because nothing about Sedlik’s claim is inconsistent with Warhol—and Google is inaptly cited.

As noted in several posts, Warhol reaffirmed the principle that when one creator uses the work of another, finding transformative fair use requires a colorable claim that the follow-on use express some “critical bearing” (i.e., comment) about the work used. Kat von D cannot plausibly argue that the social media posts displaying the Sedlik photograph express any commentary about the photograph itself. Display of the photo was done solely to promote Kat von D and High Voltage. Consequently, both the transformative question and the commercial purpose of the posts should have been found to favor Sedlik on factor one without going to trial.

To emphasize my point that this is a straw man brief, I note that Samuelson states, “Warhol also made clear that ‘targeting is not always required, highlighting that uses unrelated to criticism or commentary—such as those that facilitate interoperability or reveal new information about the original work—can also be fair.” That is absolutely true and utterly irrelevant in this case. Samuelson refers to software “interoperability,” as weighed in Google v. Oracle and to “revealing new information,” as considered in Google Books, neither of which has much to say about cases where one artist copies or uses the work of another artist.

Samuelson and Tushnet, in their joint brief to SCOTUS in Warhol argued against the “critical bearing” doctrine, favoring the broader discussion of fair use articulated in Google v. Oracle. But because computer code (at issue in Google) is highly utilitarian, its protection fosters a tension in copyright law that is distinct from the more common considerations presented in cases like Sedlik. The “critical bearing” doctrine may be characterized as “narrowing” by advocates for broader fair use, but that does not make Sedlik’s arguments against fair use inconsistent with Warhol or the substantial volume of similar cases. Samuelson’s brief is consistent with her views on fair use, but, like the Tushnet brief, it cites to authorities that do not apply.

The Sprigman/Van Houweling Brief

This brief is a doozy. It can arguably be read as a companion to the ALI Restatement of Copyright Law (led by Sprigman), and it proves the point that copyright critics really do not like the derivative works right. Because forget substantial similarity and fair use. Professors Sprigman and Van Houweling argue that under the Supreme Court’s 2021 ruling in TransUnion v. Ramirez, copyright owners lack standing to sue in federal court unless they can prove “concrete injury” (i.e., monetary harm) caused by the alleged infringement. I know this is how some people think copyright works, or how many believe it should work, but this brief seeks to unravel the law as it does work.

The TransUnion opinion holds that just because Congress writes a statute allowing for remedies in federal court, this does not excuse a plaintiff from showing a concrete injury, even when he can show a statutory violation. One can imagine how this ruling could be applied to standing in copyright claims, but only if the courts agree that failure to obtain permission/license is not a concrete harm, or if they agree with this brief that violation of some of the exclusive copyright rights in §106 should be accorded less weight than violation of others.

The brief states, “It is doubtful whether a presumption of harm should apply at all to copyright claims, like Sedlik’s, that do not involve the reproduction and distribution of a copyrighted work as such, but rather its use in a derivative work.” Amici imply that the courts should dismiss, or view skeptically, a failure to license as a concrete harm when the use at issue results in a derivative work. To be fair, here is Sprigman and Van Houweling’s fuller description:

If a derivative is close enough to the original that it competes with it, or perhaps preempts a product or licensing market that the author might otherwise plan to enter, then the derivative work at issue may harm the original author. In such an instance, if the copyright law did not reach conduct in this category, we might fear overall harm to author incentives to create. However, if—as is the case here—the derivative “is not closely similar to the original, does not compete with it for audience patronage, and does not preempt a market that the original rightsholder realistically is positioned to exploit, then the existence of the derivative is unlikely to harm the original author.

Once again, suggesting that the tattoo is not “closely similar to the original” is an insult to empirical evidence. But beyond that, amici misstate the consideration of market harm in general and Sedlik’s claim in particular. Licensing creative works for uses the author may not actively pursue or anticipate describes the nature of the potential market in which the copyright owner may choose to participate.[3] Failure to license by the user of a work is a concrete harm as a matter of law, whether the unlicensed use is the result of literal copying, preparing a derivative work, or violation of any of the making available rights in the Copyright Act. This is why, under fair use factor four, the courts consider whether the unlicensed use at issue, if it were to become widespread, would cause significant harm by persistently depriving the copyright owner of fees to which he is entitled.

But under the theory of the Sprigman/Van Houweling brief, TransUnion must upend the practice of copyright law by, among other things, overwriting fair use factor four case law, abolishing statutory damages, and at least weakening the derivative works right. Only a narrow group of rightsholders would be allowed to file suit by showing actual financial damages caused by an infringement stemming from reproduction or distribution of literal copies.

Sprigman/Van Houweling would leave independent and developing creators out of the copyright system altogether, while the owners most likely to have standing would be parties like private equity firms that have bought large catalogs of works whose value is easier to quantify. It is notable, though not surprising, when the anti-copyright crowd, which claims to advocate democratic values and fairness, would propose an interpretation of the law that can only benefit the wealthiest and most powerful copyright owners.

Further, amici’s application of TransUnion to copyright would vitiate any basis other than proven monetary harm for rightsholders to control uses of their works. For example, the author who does not want a motion picture adaptation or a sequel made from her novel; the musician who does not want certain politicians using his songs in campaign ads; the artists who do not want their works used for any form of advertising would be unlikely to show “concrete harm” for violation of those choices under this brief’s interpretation of TransUnion as follows:

If harm caused by violation of the copyright owner’s right to exclude is not generally presumed to be irreparable, then absent some showing that such harm is irreparable in a particular case, it is, by hypothesis, reparable by money damages—if it is harm at all.

Turning down a use that would otherwise be licensed—I doubt Sedlik would license the Davis photo to the KKK at any price—is a right retained by the copyright owner. And if the rejected party uses the work anyway without permission, Sprigman and Van Houweling suggest that the owner cannot sue for infringement because he not only did not suffer monetary damage, but he turned down monetary gain!

The copyright owner retains the right to select which parties, and under what circumstances, derivative works may be created, and unlicensed derivatives can devastate the author’s opportunity to create the derivative works she prefers—including projects that may be more lucrative than those she turns down. Thus, any limiting of the author’s right to choose how her work is used for derivatives forecasts myriad results that would easily meet the definition of concrete harm.

Notably, despite arguing that Sedlik does not have standing, Sprigman and Van Houweling do not ask the court to toss the whole case but instead write that the court can “avoid the constitutional questions” by upholding the jury’s decision below. How does that make sense? As long as amici are writing a brief that is unlikely to make much legal headway, they might as well stick to their guns. If they truly believe Sedlik doesn’t have standing, why ask the court to affirm the outcome?

Conclusion

For Jeff Sedlik’s first (and perhaps only) copyright case as a plaintiff, he drew a strange hand. In what should have been short work for the court, the legal questions are straightforward with ample precedent for guidance. I strongly suspect the Ninth Circuit will reverse and remand based on evidence that the lower court committed errors of law. Meanwhile, it is not surprising that some of copyright’s most notable critics were inspired to argue that the aberrations in this case reflect copyright law as they would see it applied.


[1] The appeals court may reverse the finding on substantial similarity and also opine on the question of fair use with respect to the tattoo itself.

[2]  Samuelson elides the fact that this request came from counsel whom Sedlik immediately replaced for making that unauthorized request, after which, Sedlik corrected the record with the court.

[3] A friend of mine received word from officials in the UK that they wanted to use one of his photos on a stamp, and he certainly never saw that opportunity coming.

*NOTE: A fourth brief was submitted by Authors Alliance, but 1) this post is long enough; and 2) their argument mirrors the “narrowing fair use” claim alleged by Prof. Samuelson.

U.S. Copyright Law, Not Big Tech, Democratized Authorship

copyright law

Many copyright scholars refer to England’s Statute of Anne (1710) as the “first authors’ copyright law,” but I quarrel with that summary. In that year, and for many decades to follow, English “rights” for authors were too intertwined with the Crown’s authority to sanction publication of works for us to think of the Statute of Anne as affirming copyright rights as we understand them today. Although the administrative mechanisms of the Statute of Anne did inform the first U.S. Copyright Act of 1790, the “democratization” of authorship, which tech companies like to claim as incompatible with copyright law, was baked into American copyright as part of a novel Constitution expressing fundamental rights in a context to which no other nation on Earth could claim precedent.

Article I, Section 8, Paragraph 8—the progress clause—is a declaration of hope, to echo a sentiment of Elizabeth Wurtzel’s. While most of the roughly three-million Americans were farmers with little formal education, the progress clause (or IP clause) expressed an ambition that America would eventually produce its own literature, scholarship, and invention. But significant distinctions between the new U.S. and England (and other parts of Europe) established American copyright law as egalitarian and democratic.

First, the government was not granted authority by the Constitution to sanction or deny publication. Second, the speech, press, and establishment clause exerted considerable force upholding the author’s right to express himself. And finally, the European tradition of art and science patronage by the nobility could not become dominant in either the economic or political composition of the young nation. For better or worse, even with its imperfections, professional authorship in the U.S. would be subject to the democracy of the market, and the copyright rights vested in the individual author were, and remain, the sole basis for a fair-trade relationship with that market.

Enter Big Tech and their big bullshit word “democratization.” They love this term because, like so many in its bag of rhetorical tricks, it sounds progressive, egalitarian, and even anti-corporatist, which is funny coming from the most powerful oligarchs since Vanderbilt and Rockefeller. They even claim to have democratized democracy, and indeed, they may well have democratized it all the way to authoritarianism. So, when Big Tech says “democratization,” it is always a grift, but it is still worth understanding how the rhetorical meaning has shifted in reference to authorship and creative work.

Distribution, Derivatives, & Data

Until generative AI changed the dialog in the last few years, the claim that “democratization” was antithetical to copyright tended to focus on attacking distribution rights or the derivative works right. Distribution rights, according to Big Tech, were only administered by “rent-seeking gatekeepers,” thereby rationalizing mass piracy followed by the arrogation of distribution to streaming platforms as new intermediaries. The result was platforms “democratizing” far more revenue out of creators’ pockets than the allegedly outdated models.

The other rhetorical use of “democratization” tended to focus on the alleged injustice of the copyright right of the author to prepare (or authorize) derivative works. This battle was fought in public over the proposed cultural value of “remix,” a pet project of Lawrence Lessig, and which fostered a lot of assumptions and misstatements in the blogosphere about fair use doctrine. That battle was settled, at least as a matter of law, with the outcome in AWF v. Goldsmith, which rescued the derivative works right from being swallowed by overbroad application of fair use.

On a more subtle level, Silicon Valley advocates also argued that digital modes of production are inherently easier and cheaper (neither of which is necessarily true) and, thus, it was argued that digital tech both “democratizes” production and justifies rethinking legal protection of the works produced. Likewise, anti-copyright academics, on behalf of Big Tech, have argued that unprecedented data-driven market analysis lowers the risk of production, which, again, supposedly demands rethinking the purpose and application of copyright law.

These and other variations on the theme that tech “democratizes” now coalesce and mutate around the argument that GAI is important because it “enables everyone to be a creator.” Hence, “gatekeeper” intermediaries like record labels are no longer the only “barriers to progress” because now, the professional creator who spent years perfecting her craft is accused of elitism for trying to protect the exclusivity of her art. This argument is absurd on its face because, of course, typing a few prompts into Suno to produce a guitar riff ain’t gonna make you Mark Knopfler. And in this sense, GAI is to creativity as the “democratization of information” is to expertise. Indeed, everyone using Midjourney can be a visual artist the same way that everyone using Google search can be an epidemiologist.

It is notable that “democratization” is the same con game, whether the subject is creative work or information because the constitutional purpose of copyright law was established to “promote science.” This is not to say that the Framers intended to exclude fiction or poetry or fine art from copyright law, but by any interpretation of the word “science” from the period, it is fair to say that the Framers hoped later generations of Americans would be creative and intelligent. And, yes, it was imagined and hoped that creative and intellectual contributions might one day come from any citizen. That was “democratization” circa 1790 whereas Big Tech’s application of that word, a euphemism for exploitation, has not been wholly beneficial for either democracy or intelligence or creativity.

eXodus: Bluer Skies for Social Media or Just a Short Breath of Fresh Air?

social media

As of today, the social media platform BlueSky has grown to about 25 million users, which is still a fraction of the 600 million on X, but the recent spike at the former is attributable to people abandoning the latter. After Elon Musk acquired and rebranded Twitter, fired the accountability team, reinstated Trump, and then devoted both X and personal resources to supporting that campaign, the election was the final straw for many who fled to bluer skies.

Built as a “decentralized” platform, BlueSky takes an approach often advocated by Mike Masnick (who sits on the board) as a way to rescue the good of social media from the bad. But as I have argued for more than a decade, much of the harm caused by social media is too subtle to be designed out of the system. Even the best (or best-intended) social platforms are simply bad for democracy. BlueSky’s decentralized architecture may be more effective at weeding out haters and disinformation campaigns and providing users with greater control over what they see, block, etc., but this changes nothing about the reasons social platforms are fundamentally hazardous.

I am just about 50 pages into David Golumbia’s posthumously published magnum opus, Cyberliberatarianism:  The Right-Wing Politics of Digital Technology, and one view David and I share is that social media’s organic harms to democratic institutions simply outweigh its benefits as a “social” forum. We discussed this in the podcast we recorded in October 2021 and generally agreed that there is no technological solution for many of the medium’s inherent pitfalls. My short list of those pitfalls includes the following:

Provocative Nonsense Isn’t Just a Joke

It is natural to post and share short-attention-span editorial material like memes. Some of the best educated people I know post this kind of content all the time, and once in a while, I like or share the ones I find funny or on point. But when the subjects of these micro-editorials are political and provocative, they are not wholly distinguishable from “Q drops” as fuel added to a fire. Perhaps the most dismaying example of this is the profusion of memes applauding, or at least winking at, Luigi Mangione for allegedly shooting United Healthcare CEO Brian Thompson.

A subject worthy of its own post (including a report that Mangione made a ghost gun ), the point worth summarizing in this post is that social media has eroded the moral barriers to political violence. Political violence is an inevitable biproduct of the erosion of democratic norms because a party’s destructive conduct (and indeed UH has blood on its hands) invites violence about which many will feel at least ambivalent, if not enthusiastic. Of course, as Dr. King warned, violence only multiplies violence, but as a novel feature of this vicious cycle, social media offers dopamine hits of provocative nonsense that allows even the observers of violence to laugh at, feel self-righteous about, or at least excuse conduct that should be rejected as a principle of functional democracy.

Aggregated Narcissism is the Ignorance of Crowds

Known formally as the Dunning-Kruger effect, microdoses of “information,” combined with the enticement to comment and share, feed that human frailty which allows us to pretend to know more about a particular subject than we do. Then, solidifying and amplifying our ignorance, social media provides “connection” to others who share the same uninformed belief. Thus, while many of us look aghast at the kind of unqualified nutjobs the next administration would tap for leadership of important departments, we must also acknowledge it is not Trump fans alone who have abandoned the notion of expertise concurrent with the growth of digital technology and social media.

Ignorance on topics ranging from vaccinations to NATO is just as deeply rooted in “progressive” politics as the right wing, and social media feeds the beast, partly due to the “IKEA Effect.” Akin to Dunning-Kruger, the IKEA Effect describes the satisfaction derived from completing a DIY project, only instead of assembling a desk without cracking any veneer, social media promotes and rewards the project of doing one’s own research, even to arrive at a conclusion that may be wholly untethered to reality. These psychological effects cannot be “programmed out” of the medium or countered with fact-checking. At best, they can be understood, much as my generation learned to understand the effects of watching too much television.

A Community of Frenemies is not a Community

“Jealousy” and “faction” are two words that appear with great frequency in the founders’ writings advocating adoption of the Constitution and creation of the United States. Whether the subject is election procedure, national defense, taxation, etc., The Federalist and other seminal writings all warn against faction as inherently destructive to common purpose, and out of that debate evolved the tradition of compromise and collaboration as necessary for keeping the Republic. But today, infighting among likely political allies is rampant thanks to social media, and it would be a mistake to believe that the mechanisms at work in the hostile takeover of the GOP are unique to the right-wing.

Although Golumbia presents an excellent case that Silicon Valley ideologies have always been grounded in right-wing, even fascistic, principles—and that bros like Zuckerberg and Musk have intentionally tilted the game in that direction—even “organic” interactions reveal that a prominent individual on the left will be attacked in a hate-storm if she critiques some unfounded position held by “progressives.” Thus, regardless of where people claim to sit on the political spectrum, one result of social media has been to scorn the idea of collaboration itself—a folly which has now become self-fulfilling prophecy because the reelection of an anti-democratic administration justifies the anti-collaborative spirit from which it drew power in the first place.

Disrupting the Purpose of Republicanism

Because social media amplifies and atomizes infighting, even the most dedicated and serious elected officials may find themselves in political jeopardy if they compromise or collaborate on the “wrong” issues. Representative government (republicanism) does not work well under 24-hour surveillance by the electorate—let alone an electorate animated by the Dunning-Kruger effect—or worse, professional trolls hired to attack the apostate the moment she steps out of line.

If one stammers at the upside-down world in which Liz Cheney is a “RINO,” social media made this alternate reality axiomatic by the same means that it became reasonable for so-called progressives to label President Obama a “warmonger.” The ordinary, even boring, job of governance has always operated behind the headlines of hot-topic issues. But due to the obligation to feed social media, nearly all politics are now performative, and the Member of Congress who does not entertain (i.e., does not deliver snappy comments on social media) may have a short and/or ineffective career.

No question that performance is always a part of politics, but social media enables more performative nonsense to flood the zone than was possible in the pre-digital era. Historically, a high-profile hearing, like a Senate confirmation hearing, would mainly be observed by the public through snippets and commentary edited by whichever news network we watched in the evenings. Meanwhile, low-profile hearings didn’t provide much opportunity to feed soundbites to constituents.

But speaking as someone who has watched a lot of back-burner hearings as part of his job, it is obvious that many are held for purely performative reasons because, of course, every Member has a social media person on staff who can make noise with a few provocative clips. That the substance of the hearing may be moot—or that most Americans won’t know it happened—doesn’t matter. The political value of the performance is enabled by social media, and this is a significant, and in my view negative, change to the nature of republicanism.

BlueSky is Nice but Can’t Fix the Problem

Yes, BlueSky is better (for now), and yes, I joined and started following people I believe to be thoughtful in their defenses of American democracy, etc. But the major adverse effects of social media cannot be eliminated either by design or the ethics of managers willing to keep hands off the algorithms. The affordances of the medium occur between the core technology and psychological responses to the experience—a thesis tragically supported by the fact that children can be coaxed into suicide by the material on their phones.

On that note, it will be interesting to see whether BlueSky supports platform accountability through legislation like the Kids Online Safety Act (KOSA), or a proper reading of Section 230, which was never meant to be blanket immunity for all providers hosting user content. Because ever since the so-called techlash of 2016, both the providers and their “digital rights” network have continued to push the narrative that somehow “restoring” the noble intent of the original internet should be the goal. But the original intent of the net’s first evangelists was not so noble (see Golumbia’s life work), and I think we all know Einstein’s definition of insanity.


Photo by: charlieblacker