National Review Says ALI Oversteps in Areas Other Than Copyright

What is the difference between standing on legal principle and engaging in legal activism? The wry answer, of course, is that the attorney, scholar or judge who agrees with one’s opinion is a champion of legal principle while any of these who disagrees with one’s opinion is a feckless activist. “…there must be a clear line between describing what the law is and seeking to establish new law and policy,” writes John Fund for the National Review in an article about the “activist” character of the American Law Institute’s current agenda in issuing Restatements of Law. As described in this post, ALI traditionally publishes Restatements for the purpose of consolidating and unifying disparate common law opinions into general guidelines that may be cited almost as though they were statutory law.

I agree with Fund in spirit, even though I suspect that policy-for-policy, he and I would not agree as to what constitutes principle vs. activism. National Review is arch conservative and, as such, its editors probably would not find any hypocrisy in Fund’s citing the late Justice Scalia’s critique of recent ALI Restatements as “aspirations for what the law ought to be.” I would personally say the same thing about Scalia’s opinions in Heller and Citizens United, for example, but such is the subjective nature of the issue at hand. The law is always some version of what we want it to be.

Still, I am inclined to give Fund the benefit of the doubt that ALI Restatements are trending toward a more common definition of “activism” if their proposal to issue a Restatement on copyright law is any indication. As multiple copyright attorneys have stated, even considering a Restatement on a body of law that is already statutory is an undertaking that has never occurred in the hundred-year history of the institution. If that general fact emits a whiff of activist smoke, then the fire is in the detail that all the individuals pushing for the copyright Restatement are known to be ideologically critical of copyright.

I cannot comment on Fund’s report that ALI Restatements are also causing havoc in insurance, tort, and contract law, but he does state, “Last month, a group of six governors — from Texas, Maine, South Carolina, Nebraska, Utah, and Iowa — sent the ALI a letter warning that the proposed draft is a usurpation of the law-making authority of their state legislatures.” Again, I can imagine any number of laws in those states that I personally don’t like, but that doesn’t mean legislative authority should be undermined at the state level any more than it should be expropriated at the federal level. And as with the proposed Restatement on copyright, it would be interesting to know if this is the first time state governors have accused the ALI of overstepping its bounds in this way.

As a non-attorney, I am in no position to comment upon—or even know—the inner-workings of the American Law Institute. Whether Fund’s conspiratorial tone is justified, casting ALI as a near-clandestine organization undermining legal foundations, is hard to say. His short article does not lack conservative rhetoric, even citing the dreaded “political correctness” as motivation behind ALI’s Restatements. Especially in the current political climate, this is a very tough needle to thread. There are plenty of folks who would describe legalized same-sex marriage as judicial “activism,” while I would consider that view euphemistic bigotry. Regardless, the ALI is not a legislature; and to the extent its Restatement process may be seen as supplanting the legislative process, this is certainly grounds for scrutiny from any political perspective.

Fool me once, shame on Facebook …

In several posts on the subject of Facebook and fake news, I have opined that if we users are going to believe and disseminate bogus information, that’s mostly an us problem, one which Facebook likely cannot solve. In that spirit, there is an extent to which I agree with Mike Masnick’s Techdirt post on May 2 calling Facebook’s plans to rank news sources according to trustworthiness a “bad idea.” At least I agree with Masnick that a human flaw like confirmation bias is a “hell of a drug,” which cannot be counteracted by whatever algorithmic wizardry Zuckerberg & Team may devise.

But other than conceding that people are imperfect, subjective beings, and therefore susceptible to false information, I disagree with the rationale Masnick seems to apply in his critique of Facebook’s plans. He writes, “…as with the lack of an objective definition of ‘bad,’ you’ve got the same problem with ‘trust.’ For example, I sure don’t trust ‘the system’ that Zuckerberg mentions…to do a particularly good job of determining which news sources are trustworthy.”

Perhaps that’s just wordplay, but I find Masnick’s allusion to the subjectivity of trust to be symptomatic of the same populist affliction that precipitated the post-truth world in which we now live. I had hoped that the moment we elected a president who openly lies on Twitter, that this might at least serve as a clear and profound rebuttal to the cyber-utopian mantra that everything—including journalism—needed disrupting. Because if trustworthiness in news is not, on some level, objectively quantifiable, then all journalism must devolve to the exigencies of confirmation bias.

A functioning and humane democratic society depends on limits to democracy itself—on deference to expertise based on certain objective criteria to decide when that deference has been earned. It is essential that a reporter write, This Thing Happened—or even Here’s Why This Matters—and that a plurality of reasonable people accept the report as reliable based on objective (if subtle) metrics. Years of experience, background, track record, tone and style, and, yes, the organization a reporter works for should all factor into this assessment. So, I reject the proposal that “trust” is nearly so subjective as “bad” in this context. The integrity of a news report is not a matter of taste. Yet, Masnick writes …

“Facebook should never be the arbiter of truth, no matter how much people push it to be. Instead, it can and should be providing tools for its users to have more control. Let them create better filters. Let them apply their own “trust” metrics, or share trust metrics that others create.”

Call me a curmudgeon, but how is “applying one’s own trust metrics” any different from the same confirmation bias problem that social media tends to exacerbate in the first place? Masnick’s solution appears to be more confirmation bias, resembling the cliché that insists “more speech is the only solution to bad speech.” If that premise was ever true (and I have my doubts), it has been obliterated by the phenomenon of social media where more is often the enemy of reason.

Masnick is right, of course, that users who like Infowars are going to respond negatively if Facebook ranks that platform as less trustworthy than The New York Times or Wall Street Journal; but that’s a business problem for Facebook—one I could care less about because Infowars IS objectively less trustworthy than those news sources. And lest anyone think that’s liberal bias talking, I’ll say the same thing about Occupy Democrats or any of the other non-news sources my friends link to all the time.

These platforms don’t deserve equal footing with actual journalism, and if Facebook wants to rank news sources, fine. Whatever. I’m probably as skeptical as Masnick that it will do much good in the grand scheme of public discourse, but I think he exaggerates when he calls Facebook an “arbiter of truth.” This sounds more like the blogger who tends to oppose platform responsibility full stop than a complaint about what Facebook is doing wrong in grappling with its role as a conduit of news. In fact, it’s hard to fathom exactly what Masnick proposes as a solution when he writes, “The answer isn’t to force Facebook to police all bad stuff, it should be to move back towards a system where information is more distributed, and we’re not pressured into certain content because that same Facebook thinks it will lead to the most ‘engagement.’”

That reads like the suggestion is Facebook should not be Facebook, which is probably a non-starter as far as the shareholders are concerned. Instead, I tend to think that Facebook should be recognized for the flawed, highly-manipulated, walled-garden it is and placed in its proper context—as an activity to be moderated like video gaming or junk food. Because with or without rankings, we really have no idea what the psychological effect is of just scrolling past images and headlines that trigger dozens of subconscious emotional responses in a matter of minutes. Meanwhile, to the extent that Facebook remains a source of news and information, if ranking means I’ll encounter The Daily Beast more often than The Daily Democrat, I’ll count that as a win.

The CASE Act: The Big Value of Small Returns

by Lisa Shaftel & John Schmelzer
Shaftel & Schmelzer, Advocates & Consultants for Visual Artists

Representative Hakeem Jeffries introduced the Copyright Alternative in Small-Claims Enforcement Act of 2017 (the “CASE Act”) H.R. 3945 in October 2017. The CASE Act was created in response to the Copyright Office Study Report on Remedies for Copyright Small Claims released September 2013. The CASE Act establishes a “small-value copyright court” within the Copyright Office so that copyright owners can pursue infringement cases where damages are too low for cost-effective litigation in federal court. Visual creators’ organizations have been asking for this recourse for creators’ lost income for well over ten years.

There are many businesses large and small that have been built on the model of not paying for the images they use. Licensing images—certainly for commercial reproduction and display—is a standard and customary business practice for creators and users of images. It is the cost of doing business, as well as a legal obligation for the user.

Using images without permission and without paying a licensing fee to copyright owners is simply stealing. It’s no different than stealing paper or lumber or a truck. These businesses have been able to get away with not paying for the images they use because they know that copyright owners cannot afford to file an infringement lawsuit in federal court for lower-value licensing fees and actual damages.

Authors and creators trying to earn a living from their work suffer death by a thousand cuts with no practical legal recourse to stop the bleeding. Image theft has devalued our creative product to the extreme. The thought process has become; Why pay for something that can be stolen without recourse? The internet is populated with stolen images that drive traffic to commercial sites, but image creators reap no financial benefit from those who drive the traffic or those who sell the goods or services. More traditional businesses observe this trend and take advantage of the infringing activities believing they too can steal without recourse. Some websites and businesses, such as the online “corkboard,” have based their entire business model on unauthorized use of copyrighted works.

The CASE Act creates a simplified and less costly alternate dispute resolution process for creators and copyright owners to recover the licensing fees owed them by businesses that have already made unauthorized use of their photos, illustrations and graphics. The ADR process will provide the means for authors and creators to get injunctive relief from an offensive unauthorized use of their work as well. It also serves notice to the business community that there will be a low cost legal opportunity for authors and creators to enforce their ownership and copyrights, and underscores the value of creative works. Unless the value of assigned original images is reestablished, an entire industry that has already been crippled by image theft will disappear completely in the United States.

In 2012, England and Wales established a Small Claims Track for low-value copyright infringement cases. It’s working. It motivates settlements between the parties, and most claims don’t proceed to the hearing. The CASE Act would do the same in the U.S.

Businesses and their trade associations that object to the establishment of a small-value copyright tribunal fear that their business model of ripping off visual creators won’t be viable anymore. These organizations oppose the bill because they want to protect the member businesses and people who steal copyrighted works. The CASE Act doesn’t change copyright law, nor does it change our court system. The CASE Act would level the playing field by enabling authors and creators to enforce their copyrights without being required to hire an attorney and file a lawsuit in federal court that would cost more than the damages they’ve suffered. The only reason to oppose the CASE Act would be because the users do not want to pay the author/creator for the unauthorized use of their creative work.

If you’re worried about what Facebook did with your data, you should see what they do with your pictures.


Lisa Shaftel is a scenic artist, graphic artist and illustrator who has been working on creating a small-value copyright claims court system with the US Copyright Office for over 12 years. John P. Schmelzer is an illustrator and cartoonist.

Shaftel & Schmelzer is a consulting firm established in 2016 with a mission to promote and protect the economic and professional interests of visual artists through advocacy and education.

Hi resolution and low resolution versions of John P. Schmelzer’s cartoon are available for both print and online use.

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