Is Site Blocking Finally Within Sight?

With all the talk about AI, one might think the problem of old-school media piracy has abated, but this week, the House Judiciary Committee held a hearing entitled Digital Copyright Piracy:  Protecting American Consumers, Workers, and Creators. Although much of the conversation was familiar territory (i.e., the economic value of the creative industries and the cost of piracy), the legislative question in the room was whether the United States will finally adopt site blocking provisions as many other nations have done. In her testimony, Motion Picture Association (MPA) general counsel Karyn Temple stated:

…over the past decade, more than 40 countries, including leading democracies such as the U.K., much of Western Europe, Canada, Australia, India, Brazil, South Korea, and Israel, have enacted no-fault injunctive relief regimes that expressly authorize courts or administrative agencies to issue orders directing internet service providers (“ISPs”) and other online intermediaries to disable access to websites dedicated to piracy. Pursuant to these laws, courts and administrative agencies have disabled access to more than 90,000 domains used by over 27,000 websites engaged in blatant piracy after affording full due process.

“No-fault injunctive relief” and “full due process” is key language to keep in mind as Congress re-opens this discussion and the self-appointed defenders of the internet respond like Sauron’s orcs to the battle cry. After all, things got a bit heated “twelve years ago,” as noted by Rep. Zoe Lofgren in reference to the SOPA/PIPA legislation that was doomed by an extraordinary disinformation and fear-mongering campaign coordinated and funded by the internet industry. And although that story ought to be old news, the testimony of Matt Schruers, president of the Computer and Communications Industry Association (CCIA), rang the “Stop-SOPA” bell with statements like the following:

Content filtering by automation is not always effective or accurate. In particular, “off-the-shelf” filtering technologies tend to be focused only on specific classes of works, and cannot necessarily provide meaningful protection to content on sites whose users can create many different types of works. Automated tools are also unable to take into account context or nuance of individual uses, so may result in over-removal of non-infringing, fair uses. These false positives merit particular attention because any unjustified content filtering or takedown may suppress lawful expression.

That commentary is dog-whistling because it has nothing to do with the purpose of, or mechanisms inherent to, site blocking. Schruers is referring to imperfections in the DMCA notice-and-takedown provisions, exaggerating its effects on protected speech, and eliding the fact that a distinguishing aspect of a site blocking provision is that it requires a party to present evidence to obtain a court order and provides ample opportunity for both service providers and the allegedly infringing website to rebut the evidence. No party would be empowered to “automate” site blocking the way that, for instance, copyright owners can automate DMCA takedown notices.

Homing in on Schruers’s rhetoric, the highlight of the hearing was arguably Rep. Ted Liu, who used his phone to access the pirate site F Movies, which he confirmed with Ms. Temple cannot be accessed in most of Europe. Emphasizing the fact that the F Movies site has been available to Americans since 2016, Liu stated, “We’re trying to be reasonable here. This is such an unreasonable case. This is so clearly online piracy, copyright infringement, and you don’t want your organization, your members, defending something so blatantly unlawful and unreasonable. I just ask your members to block that site today.”

In response, Schruers first noted that the broadband providers were not testifying, but Liu pressed on, “You cannot defend this. This is not defensible.” Schruers stated that his members are also content creators, that piracy is a shared concern with other content creators, and then reiterated the argument that the best remedy to piracy is more widespread, legal, availability of more content.

This rhetoric, dating back to NAPSTER (1999), has not aged well in a time when, if anything, consumers often feel that there are too many channels requiring too many subscriptions. But that is a business narrative still evolving in the streaming market, and not one that justifies access to pirate sites. More to the point, the “more access” argument completely ignores the myriad reasons to finally adopt site blocking, even if the harm to content creators were minimal. 

For instance, Rep. Lofgren resurfaced the prospect of prohibiting payment processors (i.e., credit card companies) from doing business with the pirate sites, but as film producer Richard Gladstein noted, the pirate’s revenue is not derived solely, if at all, from traditional credit card transactions. Although Mr. Gladstein did not go into much detail, he did mention the use of cryptocurrency in illegal trade of this nature, and Rep. Lofgren failed to note that voluntary initiatives between copyright owners and payment processor companies to prevent known infringing sites from accessing payment networks have existed for years and only do so much to stifle piracy.

Moreover, as reported on this blog in several posts, Digital Citizens Alliance has provided extensive reports on the complex, malware-based, dark web market for which pirated media is merely used as bait. Thus, even if not a single professional in media production were financially harmed by piracy, the use of media piracy as a conduit to more dangerous forms of cybercrime is reason alone for Congress to finally block these sites from access to the U.S. market.

Of course, piracy is a threat to not only creators, but everyone involved in bringing entertainment, including live broadcasts of sporting events, to fans. As described Riché McKnight, general counsel for the Ultimate Fighting Championship, “UFC estimates that within hours of a single UFC event, hundreds of thousands of viewers may have already seen infringing versions of the event…UFC further estimates that due to piracy, multiple millions of dollars are diverted from legitimate purchases of UFC content each year,” McKnight states in his written testimony.

McNight’s testimony also highlights a major problem with the DMCA — that while it calls for service providers to take down infringing content “expeditiously,” there is no clear definition of that term. This is extremely problematic for industries broadcasting live sporting events, where the value of the broadcast may last minutes or seconds and then diminish greatly once the event concludes.

What About Felony Streaming?

In 2020, against the objections of the usual anti-copyright parties, the Protect Lawful Streaming Act was passed, which made enterprise-scale piracy by means of streaming a felony rather than a misdemeanor. The question as to how effectively the Justice Department has used this provision was raised in the hearing, perhaps as a distraction from site blocking, but there are at least two answers to why PLSA is not a complete remedy for piracy. One is of course the resources of the DOJ, and the other is that site blocking provisions exist to prevent access to the domestic market by sites operating outside U.S. jurisdiction.

As Chairman Darrell Issa noted at the end of the hearing U.S. Customs and the International Trade Commission are empowered to stop the importation of physical goods that violate intellectual property law. As such, he asks, “Today, aren’t we just talking about finding the equivalent of what for two-hundred plus years, our Customs and other agencies have done when there is due process and entities such as Article III courts have reached a decision, the execution of that protection is done by our government, or on behalf of our government, by orders to those who participate in brining things into the United States?”

Perhaps not the most concisely worded question, but it is exactly right. The U.S. bars illegal goods from overseas from entering the country, and there is no threat to constitutional principles for doing likewise when the means of “importation” is digital transmission. Moreover, as stated here many times, an infringing digital transmission of a work can cause immensely more damage than even thousands of physical bootlegs. Assuming the HJC proceeds toward site blocking legislation, I imagine we’ll hear some SOPA-like noise begin to rumble online. But based on my read of that hearing and the market overall, I wouldn’t expect that noise to make much difference this time.

U.S. Court Orders Pirate Site Blocking. Internet Should Break Any Day Now.

And if it did, really at this point…?

As reported on TorrentFreak yesterday, the District Court for the Southern District of New York handed down three nearly identical rulings in copyright infringement complaints against three pirate streaming entities. Finding for the plaintiffs, who comprised several Israeli film and entertainment companies, there was nothing remarkable about the outcome of the decisions but for one feature. The pirate site owners, who did not defend themselves or appear in court, lost by default judgment, and the plaintiffs were awarded statutory damages to the maximum $150k per infringement for a total of over $23 million for all three suits.

But Andy Maxwell at TF is right that what is unique about these decisions is the district court’s order to all U.S. ISPs, which states the following:

IT IS FURTHER ORDERED that all ISPs (including without limitation those set forth in Exhibit B hereto) and any other ISPs providing services in the United States shall block access to the Website at any domain address known today (including but not limited to those set forth in Exhibit A hereto) or to be used in the future by the Defendants (“Newly-Detected Websites”) by any technological means available on the ISPs’ systems.

In other words, site blocking—a form of injunctive relief that has been applied in Europe, Canada, Australia, and other democratic countries (without breaking the internet), but which has historically not been so vigorously applied in the U.S. as this order demands. Stay tuned for wailing and gnashing of teeth from the internet industry and the usual network of “digital rights” groups proclaiming this decision a disaster in the battle for internet freedom and the speech right. And as Andy forecasts, we will likely hear renewed incantations of the acronym SOPA. “More than a decade after U.S. lawmakers scuttled the controversial SOPA legislation that would’ve required ISPs to block pirate sites, a US court has demonstrated that the ability to block sites has been available all along.” he writes in his intro.

And that’s not entirely without merit. One reasonable criticism of the SOPA/PIPA legislation was to ask whether it was somewhat redundant in light of the fact that injunctive relief of this nature was and is already available to the courts. Ordering an unnamed third party in a complaint to cease facilitating harmful conduct is not groundbreaking law, which is one reason why all the shouting about that legislation ten years ago was so ridiculous.

Still, stay tuned for the Knights Who Say SOPA to say SOPA once again in the hope of frightening people into believing that blocking access to a few criminal websites will lead to the death of the “open internet.” And this makes me think of a twist on another Monty Python routine, only in this case, the irony is a bit different. Because what has the “open internet” done for us other than conspiracy theory run amok, teenage suicide and depression, help turn America’s conservative party into a religious cult, allow rampant data leaks, aid an coup d’etat by a U.S. President, destroy the right of privacy, violent insurrection at the Capitol, novel ways to harass women, and battering the Fourteenth Amendment to a rhetorical pulp? Other than all that, what has the open internet done for us? Cue Michael Palin: “You can wish people Happy Birthday.”

I know. There are some other benefits, even on social platforms, and I use them myself. But the funny thing is that we can have those benefits without the lawless free-for-all bullshit promoted under the banner of “openness.” In the meantime, site blocking a few pirate sites? Bring it on.

DMCA Review II – Looking to foreign jurisdictions, when some answers are already here.

As we batten down the hatches to weather the present storm, streaming entertainment enters the foreground of our new and temporary reality in which we voluntarily circumscribe daily life to the confines of home. This is no time, of course, to fuss about media piracy per se. We have bigger fish to fry, but one must keep busy, and so on the subject of streaming entertainment, the Senate Judiciary Committee on March 10th held its second hearing in what will be a year-long review of the 1998 Digital Millennium Copyright Act. 

This time, the IP Subcommittee turned its attention to foreign jurisdictions and piracy. The thesis question was this:  How do other countries address piracy and what, if anything, can we learn from them?  Naturally, the EU Directive of 2019, especially Article 17, which was designed to incentivize the largest user-supported platforms to enter into license agreements, was discussed in both of the two-panel sessions. But from testimonies as oppositional as Stan McCoy of the Motion Picture Association and former Pirate Party member Julia Reda of the EU Parliament, I think it’s fair to say that all interests are sufficiently dissatisfied with the outcome of that legislation that it may not prove terribly instructive to U.S. lawmakers. 

What I did find compelling in the hearing was summed up during the second panel by Jonathan Yunger, CEO of Millennium Media, who said in Q&A with Senator Coons that, two things he’d ask to see in the U.S. would be site blocking and felony streaming. And if I were placing bets on the recommendations that will ultimately follow this review, I predict that the committee will find these two proposals highly persuasive. Interestingly enough, site blocking does not require a radical revision of the DMCA (if it requires any), and felony streaming does not implicate DMCA revision at all. 

Site Blocking is Effective and Already Intended by DMCA

As highlighted by law Professor Justin Hughes in Panel I, it is clear from the language in Section 512(j) of the DMCA that Congress intended to empower a court to order a service provider, even though it is not a party to a litigation, to cease providing access to infringing material as a form of relief to a plaintiff. Under this section, if a rights holder can prove that a given site is dedicated to infringement, the court is supposed to be able to instruct a Google or a Time Warner to block access to that site or sites. Yet, as Hughes points out, this already extant section of the statute has hardly been used. 

Economics professor Michael Smith testified that we now have a sufficient volume of data which demonstrates that blocking multiple pirate sites has the positive effect of driving consumers to legal platforms.  Additionally, Professor Hughes enumerated several of countries where we can see that site blocking neither disrupts a functioning internet nor chills protected speech. “Given the widespread use of this enforcement tool in other democratic societies,” Hughes stated, “it may be worthwhile for the subcommittee to explore why §512(j) has not been utilized.” 

I imagine the IP Subcommittee will heed this recommendation to review the historic inefficacy of section 512(j). After all, more effective site blocking would actually address myriad piracy problems at the same time with no effect upon the public interest, or in any way meaningfully amending the safe harbor provisions for service providers. For instance, more sophisticated and insidious access to pirated material through set-top boxes called “Kodi boxes” would be mitigated by site blocking because these infringing apps, loaded on these boxes, search for titles of filmed entertainment stored on foreign pirate site servers. Consequently, site blocking should substantially reduce the incentive to get into the illegal streaming game through the “box” model and, therefore, alleviate some of the burden on federal law enforcement to investigate these enterprises.  

Why Has 512(j) (i.e. site blocking) Not Been Used?

I do not claim to know all the answers to that question, but at least part of the answer comes down to the fact that internet industry and “digital rights” activists have fought, in both the blogosphere and the courts, to avoid compliance with even court-ordered injunctions to remove  or block access to content. Most prominently, perhaps, was Google’s defiance of the Canadian Supreme Court, which ordered sites blocked as injunctive relief for plaintiff Equustek whose IP had been stolen by a party marketing counterfeits on the sites at issue.

Or to highlight just how entrenched the industry’s misguided sense of responsibility is in this regard, the subcommittee could review the defense and supporting amici in Hassell v. Bird, in which Yelp! argued that by complying with an injunction to remove material, which had been judged unlawful by a court, this would “harm due process.” This was a profoundly absurd claim to come from a “no-fault” third party responding to a court order to cease facilitating harm to a plaintiff. Due process does not a apply to an unnamed, no-fault party—except apparently within the twisted strands of logic peculiar to website operators, who have historically assumed that it is their right to host, link to, and even monetize anything that ends up on their platforms. 

Site operators and their supporters, like the EFF, PublicKnowledge, and, at times, the ACLU, have endeavored to tie both courts and public perception into knots over one of the most basic forms of justice—injunctive relief by unnamed third parties—and it seems that correcting this error (i.e. making Section 512(j) mean what it says) would be short work for legislators. 

Felony Streaming is Controversial for No Good Reason

As I say, I was also struck by Mr. Yunger asking for felony streaming as a solution to piracy, which does not in fact require revision to the DMCA, but rather a change to the criminal code. As discussed in this post about the indictments against the operators of Jetflicks, streaming a “public performance” of a copyrighted work is still a misdemeanor, despite the fact that it is exactly how large-scale piracy is achieved today. In fact, nothing in the old bootlegging model, which is a felony, could come close to illegally streaming a movie or TV show to tens of millions of consumers, occasionally even preempting the official release of the project.

“Under this system, criminal streaming piracy, no matter the dollar amount it involves or the number of works affected, is de facto treated as a lesser crime than the illegal downloading or reproduction of the exact same content.” –Register of Copyrights, July 2019–

Some fairly outlandish fear-mongering has been employed in opposition to felony streaming proposals over the years. By “over-criminalizing” unlicensed streaming, the critics say, good-faith site operators could wind up in jail due to error or the unlawful conduct of their users.  But this scare tactic is contradicted by a few important realities, not the least of which is that we do not generally see good-faith site operators charged with misdemeanors either. 

To be charged with criminal copyright infringement, a defendant must truly be engaged in copyright infringement as a business enterprise. Nothing about elevating enterprise-scale, unlicensed streaming to a felony would change the burden of proof for filing criminal charges; it merely puts teeth in the law as a deterrent against launching in this kind of operation. Further, elevating illicit streaming to a felony does not alter the liability protections for good-faith service providers. 

The same principles would still apply to the “safe harbor” provision established for good-faith providers whose users upload infringing material.  Having said that, however, the incentive narrative needs to change to apropos Mr. Yunger’s testimony that his company’s films, in one accounting, had been viewed over 110 million times on YouTube. So clearly good faith alone is not getting the job done. 

Meanwhile, as CreativeFuture reported in a recent blog post, a new operation called Plex appears to combine the “Kodi box” piracy streaming model with a Napster-like twist such that users can “share” libraries they store on Plex servers—particularly if those libraries comprise bootleg files. If Plex is intentionally facilitating large-scale infringement through streaming from its servers,* its defense against an infringement charge would presumably seek to hide behind the technicality that its users are “directing” the uploading of files to the server space under user control. Hence, by more robustly criminalizing the act of streaming public performances, this would seemingly close a DMCA loophole without actually revising the DMCA. 

With regard to considering both felony streaming and a review of 512(j), the IP Subcommittee should assess the amount of disinformation and flawed legal arguments that have been deployed on these topics by various parties in the internet industry. For the better part of the last two decades these companies have consistently behaved as though the original intent of DMCA was always that they should do exactly they want—even in defiance of court orders. The members of the committee know very well that nothing could be further from the truth.