Tag: mike masnick

Fool me once, shame on Facebook …

In several posts on the subject of Facebook and fake news, I have opined that if we users are going to believe and disseminate bogus information, that’s mostly an us problem, one which Facebook likely cannot solve. In that spirit, there is an extent to which I agree with Mike Masnick’s Techdirt post on May 2 calling Facebook’s plans to rank news sources according to trustworthiness a “bad idea.” At least I agree with Masnick that a human flaw like confirmation bias is a “hell of a drug,” which cannot be counteracted by whatever algorithmic wizardry Zuckerberg & Team may devise.

But other than conceding that people are imperfect, subjective beings, and therefore susceptible to false information, I disagree with the rationale Masnick seems to apply in his critique of Facebook’s plans. He writes, “…as with the lack of an objective definition of ‘bad,’ you’ve got the same problem with ‘trust.’ For example, I sure don’t trust ‘the system’ that Zuckerberg mentions…to do a particularly good job of determining which news sources are trustworthy.”

Perhaps that’s just wordplay, but I find Masnick’s allusion to the subjectivity of trust to be symptomatic of the same populist affliction that precipitated the post-truth world in which we now live. I had hoped that the moment we elected a president who openly lies on Twitter, that this might at least serve as a clear and profound rebuttal to the cyber-utopian mantra that everything—including journalism—needed disrupting. Because if trustworthiness in news is not, on some level, objectively quantifiable, then all journalism must devolve to the exigencies of confirmation bias.

A functioning and humane democratic society depends on limits to democracy itself—on deference to expertise based on certain objective criteria to decide when that deference has been earned. It is essential that a reporter write, This Thing Happened—or even Here’s Why This Matters—and that a plurality of reasonable people accept the report as reliable based on objective (if subtle) metrics. Years of experience, background, track record, tone and style, and, yes, the organization a reporter works for should all factor into this assessment. So, I reject the proposal that “trust” is nearly so subjective as “bad” in this context. The integrity of a news report is not a matter of taste. Yet, Masnick writes …

“Facebook should never be the arbiter of truth, no matter how much people push it to be. Instead, it can and should be providing tools for its users to have more control. Let them create better filters. Let them apply their own “trust” metrics, or share trust metrics that others create.”

Call me a curmudgeon, but how is “applying one’s own trust metrics” any different from the same confirmation bias problem that social media tends to exacerbate in the first place? Masnick’s solution appears to be more confirmation bias, resembling the cliché that insists “more speech is the only solution to bad speech.” If that premise was ever true (and I have my doubts), it has been obliterated by the phenomenon of social media where more is often the enemy of reason.

Masnick is right, of course, that users who like Infowars are going to respond negatively if Facebook ranks that platform as less trustworthy than The New York Times or Wall Street Journal; but that’s a business problem for Facebook—one I could care less about because Infowars IS objectively less trustworthy than those news sources. And lest anyone think that’s liberal bias talking, I’ll say the same thing about Occupy Democrats or any of the other non-news sources my friends link to all the time.

These platforms don’t deserve equal footing with actual journalism, and if Facebook wants to rank news sources, fine. Whatever. I’m probably as skeptical as Masnick that it will do much good in the grand scheme of public discourse, but I think he exaggerates when he calls Facebook an “arbiter of truth.” This sounds more like the blogger who tends to oppose platform responsibility full stop than a complaint about what Facebook is doing wrong in grappling with its role as a conduit of news. In fact, it’s hard to fathom exactly what Masnick proposes as a solution when he writes, “The answer isn’t to force Facebook to police all bad stuff, it should be to move back towards a system where information is more distributed, and we’re not pressured into certain content because that same Facebook thinks it will lead to the most ‘engagement.’”

That reads like the suggestion is Facebook should not be Facebook, which is probably a non-starter as far as the shareholders are concerned. Instead, I tend to think that Facebook should be recognized for the flawed, highly-manipulated, walled-garden it is and placed in its proper context—as an activity to be moderated like video gaming or junk food. Because with or without rankings, we really have no idea what the psychological effect is of just scrolling past images and headlines that trigger dozens of subconscious emotional responses in a matter of minutes. Meanwhile, to the extent that Facebook remains a source of news and information, if ranking means I’ll encounter The Daily Beast more often than The Daily Democrat, I’ll count that as a win.

Sirius XM Takedown of Stern/Trump Interviews Is Not Censorship

The implication that copyright is fundamentally a tool of censorship is a favorite theme among its critics.  They rarely miss an opportunity to ring this particular bell when the chance presents itself; and most recently, Cyrus Farivar, writing for Ars Technica, reported that Sirius XM filed a DMCA notice to have an archive of interviews between Howard Stern and Donald Trump removed from the blog site factba.se.  On cue, Mike Masnick at Techdirt was quick to describe this as “yet another situation where copyright law is being used to censor information that is in the public interest.”

Or maybe not exactly.

As a general note, it’s a pretty easy target, whenever material is arguably of historic or newsy significance, to make an emotional claim that the exigencies of copyright stand between the public and its right to know. But the hyperbole that is so often employed (e.g. Masnick’s saying the interviews are now in a “memory hole”) invariably suggests that copyright enforcement is tantamount to erasing information or sequestering it permanently from any form of public access.

In this regard, and for the discussion that follows, it’s important to note that just about every major news organization in the world maintains archives of works of historic significance and will license the use of this protected content for any purposes that require licensing. So, Sirius issuing a DMCA takedown notice in this case does not mean they’ve locked the content away for good.  In the meantime, if the public is desperately in need of insight into Donald Trump’s character, it seems amply covered.

Masnick states that the Ars Technica article cites “a bunch of lawyers” offering theories as to whether factba.se’s hosting of the radio interviews might be fair use. This bunch is actually four lawyers, all who have publicly espoused varying degrees of copyright skepticism, with opinions siding 3 to 1 that factba.se’s use would likely be held fair use.   Masnick then offers a mini analysis of his own, theorizing that hosting Sirius’s content in this manner would favor a finding of fair use under the first, second, and fourth factors.  And since neither Mike nor I are actually attorneys, let’s do this…

First Factor:  Purpose and Character of the Use

Under the first factor, Masnick states, “…the newsworthy nature of it and the purpose of the archive push it pretty strongly towards being transformative….”  I disagree.  In fact, what factba.se did was to make available exactly the same content that Sirius has the exclusive right to exploit under copyright.  Factba.se did not build upon the work to produce commentary or a new creative expression; and neither did it produce a transformative use akin to the Google Books research tool.  As was re-affirmed recently in the KinderGuides case, the fact that a rights holder has not yet made these works available does not forfeit the protection and allow another party to exploit the works in any matter normally protected by copyright.

Second Factor:  Nature of the Copyrighted Work

Under the second factor, Masnick notes the relative lack of “originality” in works that comprise interviews between Howard Stern and Donald Trump.  This is perhaps the strongest argument favoring a finding of fair use, although a court would have to do a more detailed analysis of the interviews themselves.  But as long as we’re making assumptions, there is ample precedent to demonstrate that copyright protects “original” works of a factual nature (e.g. all journalism); and given the irreverent and creative style that made Howard Stern the star he is, it’s very hard to imagine that a court would not find that these interviews meet the “creativity” standard for protection under copyright.

Third Factor:  Amount and Substantiality of the Work

We can assume that even the staunchest critic of copyright will agree that this use would likely fail under the third factor analysis because of course factba.se used the entire work.

Fourth Factor:  Effect of the Use on the Potential Market

Masnick states that this use “clearly” does not harm the market for the Howard Stern Show, thus implying analysis would tilt toward fair use under the fourth factor.  But here, he is either purposely or carelessly applying the wrong standard and adding more noise to the galloping confusion about fair use these days.  In a case like this, the court would hardly consider whether or not the use of Sirius’s archival material may cause harm to the market for current Howard Stern programs.

The court would instead consider whether or not the unlicensed publication of these archival materials threatens the potential market for Sirius to exploit these precise works under the exclusive rights of copyright.  For example, if Sirius wants to release a special boxed-set of the Stern/Trump interviews, it has the exclusive right to do so; and a use like the one made by factba.se would almost certainly be seen as threatening that potential market.  This concept of the rights holder’s potential market is often the most overlooked aspect of the fourth factor when it’s described in articles and blogs for general readers.  But potentiality is paramount to how the analysis is generally applied.

Once again, to stress the emphasis made by Judge Rakoff in his KinderGuides opinion, copyright’s exclusive bundle of rights is not a use-it-or-loose it proposition.  Simply because Sirius has not yet made these interviews available in this way does not grant factba.se or any other party the right to do so.  That the works may be considered newsworthy or historic does not substantially alter this underlying principle.

As is often the case, critics like Masnick are looking for censorship where it doesn’t exist.  At least not yet.  Yes, the fact that Trump is now president does elevate the historic significance of these interviews, but it is false to assert that this circumstance then demands an immediate release by a party that had nothing to do with producing the works.  If there were a substantive revelation in one of the interviews pertaining to matters of state, one could make a solid fair use argument for using that interview or portion in reportage.  But as we’re talking about Howard Stern and Donald Trump, I’m going out on a limb and guessing that the full archive is about 80% “locker-room” talk. And while the audience that wants to hear these works as news or entertainment is entitled to do so, the creators who produced them are entitled to exploit them like any other protected work.

Critics Build House of Canards to Trash USCO Bill

Photo by jeancol1503

Well, here we go.  The network of copyright critics seems to be working out their main talking points for hating on H.R. 1695, which proposes to make the Register of Copyrights a presidential appointee (with Senate approval) rather than an employee of the Librarian of Congress.  Mike Masnick, founder/editor of Techdirt, has written a piece for The Verge that comprises (I think) all of the Greatest Hits from the anti-copyright songbook, including the popular jingle referred to in my last post about Mickey Mouse being the major force behind the 1998 Copyright Term Extension Act.

While it’s tempting to respond to each of the window-dressing fallacies deployed in Masnick’s article, it would also be tedious. (I just can’t come up with any more ways to mock the invocation of SOPA by that crowd.) As usual, Masnick wants to sell us an epic tale of Copyright vs. The Internet with statements like, “The copyright questions raised by the internet are existential.” He says this as though copyright law has never contended with technology before, or as if to imply that the internet is just a litigation or two away from being shut down.  And, of course, this “existential” threat will be masterminded by Hollywood and the RIAA through the new Register of Copyrights if the position were to become an appointee of the Executive.

This defies both historical evidence and common sense, concluding with the fact that the major rights holders are, at this point, all-in on this whole internet thingy. Like those companies that said “no thanks” to Trump’s EPA rollbacks because they’ve already invested substantially in going green, the proverbial, sinister Hollywood really has no interest in “breaking the internet.” Again, in reference to my last post, how much has Marvel invested in growing its franchise just on the Netflix platform alone?  Right. So, let’s put the doomsday hyperbole back in the crazy drawer where it belongs and talk about reality.

Politicizing to Criticize Politics

Masnick asserts two big bullet points in this article, one which coincides with one of EFF’s first responses, and one which coincides with Representative Zoe Lofgren’s testimony on Capitol Hill.  (Rep. Lofgren (D-CA) represents Silicon Valley’s district and is highly critical of copyright.)

The first major point Masnick (and the EFF) asserts is that if the Register position were to become a presidential appointee, this would “politicize” the role more than it already is and make the Register more vulnerable to industry influence.  With regard to bi-partisanship, the bill was introduced by Representatives Goodlatte (R-VA) and Conyers (D-MI) and passed out of committee with a vote of 27-1.  But beyond Congressional consensus, this “influence” allegation is an interesting one coming from a crowd that has already accused the last Register (by way of a smear campaign) of being about as subservient to major rights holders as one might imagine.

Nevertheless, Masnick et al seem to feel the next Register could “go to eleven” and be even more extra totally double-secret “captured” by Hollywood. And the way this will happen is by reorganizing the USCO relative to the LOC.  It’s an argument based on innuendo, laced with emotional triggers for readers (see references to SOPA & Disney); but there is no substantive case being made as to why this reorganization will increase the potential for inappropriate deference to major rights holders.

Let’s clear something up right now.  If you have a fairly high-profile job in the federal government, your role is at least a little bit political.  The Librarian can be politicized as can the Register of Copyrights no matter where he/she sits on the org chart. So, can we cut to the chase and just say that Masnick and other copyright critics are especially opposed to this change at this time because they see Dr. Hayden as a fellow copyright skeptic, and they would really like her to perhaps appoint another skeptic as Register?  In other words, they’re more than happy to have the role politicized as long as it furthers their view of the right agenda.

Meanwhile, there is no reason to assume that a supposedly “more political” pendulum will inevitably swing toward major rights holders like Hollywood studios. After all, the current President has a guy named Peter Thiel among his top advisors who absolutely espouses a world view consistent with the views of the internet industry.  I don’t see anyone from the recording or motion picture industries with such close ties to the White House at the moment; but this bill doesn’t actually give that much power to this or any other President. H.R. 1695 gives more power to Congress (ergo more public oversight than the status quo), and an amendment added by Rep. Jackson-Lee (D-TX) requires that the President choose a Register from a list of candidates approved by both the Congressional leadership and the Librarian of Congress.

As for who might end up on that list, it’s worth noting that in the quiet reality behind all this drama, there are probably a handful of candidates in the country who most copyright experts would agree are even qualified for the job.  Some of these favor stronger copyright protections, others favor copyright’s limitations.  Some are more ideological, others more centrist than the public might expect. And here’s a little secret:  they generally know one another, are in contact with one another, and respect one another’s differing views.

Misrepresenting the Role of the USCO

The second point Masnick stresses in his article is less speculative but not actually relevant to the purpose of H.R. 1695; and it is predicated on a misunderstanding about the role of the Copyright Office. He writes:

“Managing copyrights — effectively a giant database of creative works — is very much a librarian-centric job. Librarians are custodians of information, helping to catalog and organize it while also helping people research and find what they’re looking for. The Copyright Office today, like many old libraries, is filled with card catalogs.”

For a guy worrying about politicizing this issue, this is pure spin. In fact, Masnick is actually mirroring a tactic employed by Rep. Lofgren, who has tried to make this organizational change a referendum on Librarian Hayden herself. First, Masnick wants readers to think of the USCO as performing a library-like function; then he wants to point to past failures to properly modernize that function; and finally he wants to say that Dr. Hayden—and nobody questions that she is highly-qualified in her field—has a plan for modernization that will be disrupted by this organizational change.

But the Copyright Office is not a “giant database of creative works.” The complex, consultative function on copyright policy provided by the CO is an essential role performed by dozens of professionals with vastly different expertise than librarians. And both copyright experts and policymakers have known this for a long time.  To the extent that former Register Pallante, former Librarian Billington, or any past office-holders, are responsible for failures to implement IT initiatives, that’s on them and their tenures; but this has no bearing on the rationale for making the organizational change proposed in H.R. 1695. Moreover, former Representative Howard Berman (D-CA) writes the following in an editorial for The Hill:

“Claiming, for example, that former Register Pallante had done nothing on IT modernization rings hollow when it was Pallante who initiated and implemented a public consultation process, which led to publication of the most forward-looking IT modernization plan in the history of the Copyright Office.

The Library has thus far blocked implementation of that plan. While GAO reports have catalogued IT shortcomings at both the Library and the Copyright Office, these reports acknowledge that the problems at the Copyright Office are relatively few. Indeed the GAO has concluded these problems stem from the much larger, fundamental problems with the Library IT department, to which the Copyright Office is beholden.”

This suggests the very plausible conclusion that any past IT implementation failings were at least shared between the Copyright Office and the Library, and this provides no more grounds to abort the organizational change than it would be reasonable to hold Dr. Hayden responsible for past project-management problems.  Still, the over-simple argument Masnick wants to make is that a librarian will be better at the physical, data-management aspect of Copyright Office modernization.  Of course, that’s not why he and his colleagues are criticizing this bill. They’re hoping instead that Dr. Hayden will take a more hands-on approach to copyright policy, which has never really been a role the Librarian has played before or since the USCO was first established.

Masnick and other critics want to argue that the functional relationship between the Register and the Librarian is something more intrinsic than a circumstance of history that occurred 120 years ago.  But this simply isn’t the case.  As I’ve noted in other posts, the first Register was appointed in 1897 after influencers like Melville Dewey envisioned a new, national leadership role for the Library of Congress.  (And Dr. Hayden seems exceptionally well-suited to continue that vision.)

This change in direction for the Library led to the creation of a separate office for handling copyright registrations and, in a fledgling way, advising Congress on copyright policy. No Librarian ever truly performed the function of national expert on copyright as this would be inconsistent with both the function of the Library and the evolution of copyright law in the mid-late 19th century.

Right from the start, the Librarian and the Register were divided according to both function and expertise; and those roles have continued along separate, though related, paths as each department has grown. Attempts to frame this long-overdue, organizational change as a power-grab by Hollywood are unsupported by both history and by the process Congress is implementing to effect this change.