Is Google simply above the law?

Google Shell GameIncreasingly, in the United States, the answer to that question seems to be yes.  As Exhibit A, I offer this latest anecdote from Ellen Seidler at VoxIndie, who describes the experience of one indie film distributor who found an entire film uploaded to YouTube by some smug little snot with the handle Free Movies. The film distributor had used its ContentID account to “block uploads of certain lengths in its territories,” writes Seidler, but Free Movies decided that the distribtutor doesn’t have the right the block the film in any context whatsoever.  Seidler describes the situation as follows:

S/he [Free Movies] stated the reason as being:  Approval from copyright Holder is not required.  It is fair use under copyright Law. The user also added a note: ‘I don’t need to explain.’

Despite all the testimony at last week’s roundtable about fair use–and how copyright holders seek out [sic] to punish those who claim it using malicious takedowns–it’s worth pointing out, yet again, that for every legit “fair use” claim, there are also false, and rather malicious, abuses of that defense.  It’s a fact conveniently overlooked by the anti-copyright apologists.”

YouTube restored access to the entire film (which would never ever be a fair use!), the distributor’s claim was then reinstated, and Seidler rightly points out that if Free Movies files a counter notice, that’s the end of it.  These indie filmmakers don’t have the resources to files suit in federal court, so Free Movies and YouTube can not only get away with the infringement, they can even monetize it together—earning revenue from the labor of other people.  Because freedom.

But if Google is going to support—and even encourage—this kind of behavior on its platforms, and if Congress isn’t going to fix the law to give rights holders a fighting chance, then let’s at least be honest about what this mess really is.  Google should simply instruct its users to file responses and counter notices invoking the words hocus-pocus or swordfish or expelliarmus, and then these infringing files can remain on YouTube. Because fuck you.

Why bother even bringing up a complex legal doctrine like fair use? Clearly, Google’s intent is to ensure that users like Free Movies remain wholly illiterate about the principle; and the independent creators can’t afford to go to court anyway.  I’ve argued in the past that fair use is not just an incantation that makes infringement claims go away, but maybe I’m wrong.  Because Google is apparently above the law. So, if that’s the new reality, lets be honest about it and not add insult to ignorance by pretending a legal principle is even being applied in such a case.

As Exhibit B, Conor Risch, writing for Photo District News, describes Google as “too big to sue,” even for a relatively large rights holder like Getty Images.  Ever since Google changed its Image Search format, Getty—the largest stock-photo library representing thousands of photographers around the world—has seen dramatic loss of traffic to its own pages.  Traffic that Google has effectively hijacked.

Prior to the 2013 change, Google Image Search results produced thumbnails of most photos, and when a user clicked on an individual image, he was directed the to the web page hosting that image.  But never content simply to “organize the world’s information,” Google likes to own the world’s attention in order to drive ad revenue and mine data.  So, in 2013, they changed Image Search to provide larger, high-quality images that do not link directly to the owner’s web pages. Instead added a “Go To Web Page” button, and this additional step combined with posting  high-quality images has resulted in a sharp decline in traffic to Getty’s site.

As has recently been reported, Getty is pursuing Google in the EU, where the search giant faces an ongoing and wide-ranging anti-trust investigation.  Getty views Google’s Image Search practices as implicating both copyright and anti-trust law, but even though both companies are based in the US, Getty’s avenues for relief domestically are presently very narrow.  After extensive investigation into the practices of the search giant, the US Federal Trade Commission voted unanimously in 2012 not to pursue Google.  This is in dramatic contrast to the European Commission, which may be about to impose a record-breaking fine on Google for “anti-competitive search practices,” reports Andrew Orlowski for The Register. With regard to bringing a copyright infringement claim against Google, Getty’s General Counsel Yoko Miyashita states, the search giant would simply “wipe us out from a cash perspective” by dragging out the case for years.

Where the copyright and anti-trust issues converge is when the company that is too big to sue is also the company that is too big to ignore. As Miyashita explains in the Risch article, “Are there copyright issues? Yes. But the problem is not just copyright. It’s their market dominance and their position in search where they can circumvent any of the copyright protections that legislatures or courts may provide.”

By way of example, Miyashita cites legislation passed in Germany and Spain that was designed to protect news publishers in those countries by requiring compensation for Google’s use of news snippets. Google’s response?  De-indexing those publications from its search engine—a practice that Google’s own spokespeople and attorneys will typically claim “chills free speech” whenever a plaintiff seeks an injunction to de-index links or sites that are clearly infringing intellectual property or violating privacy.  The same company that will insist that access to the web is a universal and inviolable civil right will gladly remove entities from its near-monopoly search engine when it has a buisness interest in doing so.

Technically, even under the DMCA as it is written, the above-mentioned FreeMovies is supposed to lose his/her YouTube account as a repeat infringer.  But no.  Such a remedy is labeled as “censorship” by Google and its Kool-Aid drinking buddies at EFF, et al. But it’s okay to remove news organizations from search when it serves Google’s bottom line.  Again, if this is how things are, if Google is simply above the law, then let’s abandon the nuanced language of law altogether.  Let’s just say it’s Google’s internet and they can do whatever the hell they want with it.

Is President Obama Too Googley-Eyed?

Remember when Barack Obama first entered the White House, and he made a deal with the Secret Service to keep his Blackberry?  Admitting to his addiction to the device, the president got the agents to create a secure Blackberry that he could use while in office; and to those of us who were fans of the new president, this seemed folksy and endearing.

Although I still admire and commend this president for many things well outside the editorial scope of this blog, I am admittedly dismayed by the remarkable degree of influence that Google seems to have on his administration.  Chris Castle has reported consistently on the number of former Google executives who now work for Obama, including the nation’s Chief Technology Officer Megan Smith.  And while it is not unreasonable that a 21st century administration should hire people out of one of the world’s leading technology companies, the fact remains that Google does a lot more than make tech; its leaders project a world view that may not be the basis of good policy for the American people.  Certainly, it has not been good policy for America’s creative people.

Yesterday, Dawn Chmeilewski published an article on re/code that includes a chart of lobbyist visits to the White House in which we see that Google lobbyist Johanna Shelton visited administration officials more than twice as often as the next highest representative from Blue Cross/Blue Shield.  “Google’s head of public policy has met with White House officials 128 times over the course of the Obama administration — more visits than the telecom and cable industries combined, according to the nonpartisan watchdog group Campaign for Accountability,” writes Chmeilewski.

Meanwhile, if Obama is not purposely shaping public policy according to Google, he’s coming pretty close to doing so for reasons perhaps only he knows.  I reported a few posts ago that the new Department of Commerce Digital Economy Board includes no representative of any sector other than tech. Obama has backed the FCC AllVid proposal, which even Roku’s founder Anthony Wood describes as a Google handout.  David Dayen reported in The Intercept last week that the Obama administration certainly seems to treat the search giant with kid gloves. This is despite the fact that, “Google has faced questions for years about exercising its market power to squash rivals, infringing on its users’ privacy rights, favoring its own business affiliates in search results, and using patent law to create barriers to competition. Even Republican senators like Orrin Hatch have called out Google for its practices,” Dayen writes.

There is a lot of talk about corporate influence in our political process these days, and with good reason.  In particular, there is a considerable amount of intra-party bickering among democrats, squabbling over how much or how little Wall Street influences Hillary Clinton, or how innoculated Bernie Sanders really is from such things.  Of course, in reality, it isn’t quite that simple.  Most political leaders—with certain notable exceptions—have some sort of vision, an idea about the way society ought to progress, and all political leaders are going to hear from influential people who have access.  But access isn’t just about money. Yes, Google spends an unholy amount of money on lobbyists today, but that’s not the real question.  The real question is the extent to which Obama’s own policy agenda is in synch with Google’s policy agenda; and the more that they are, the greater the concern.

Naturally, I’m acutely concerned about the extent to which President Obama might view copyright policy through his Google Glass (assuming he got one of the remaining devices).  But as I’ve repeated since launching this blog, I believe copyright policy prefaces a much broader question as to how we intend to manage the digital age in general.  In this regard, the fact that the Obama administration is so cozy with Google does not bode well for holding the company accountable for any of its predatory, anti-trust, anti-copyright, and even anti-privacy transgressions.  And this should be a matter of concern to all Americans, not just the 5+ million working in the core copyright industries.

Tangentially, It is worth noting that, despite the tedious repetition in the blogosphere that the motion picture and recording industries exert vast and secretive influence in Washington regarding all things copyright, the chart published on re/code reveals not a single visit to the White House by a representative from the MPAA or RIAA.  No dobut, they’re meeting in an undisclosed bunker plotting to destroy the internet, while Obama’s overt relationships with all these Googlers is just a ruse.  (Seriously, I read this on the internet.)

Google et al Seek Ruling with Fair Use Axe to Grind

What do a bunch of puppies, a pretty woman, a dancing baby, Demi Moore, some Rastafarians, and 20 million books all have in common?  They all refer to prominent, copyright-related cases* from which a content creator could—if he has nothing better to do—learn something about fair use doctrine. But even if an independent artist were to study Rogers v Koons (1992) right through the most recent ruling by the 2nd Circuit Court of Appeals in Google v Authors Guild, I suggest that what he is most likely to discover is that fair use is a highly subjective component of U.S. copyright law.  In fact, the subjectivity is part of what makes the principle, and the cases in which it is argued, so interesting—at least to me.

As many readers know, fair use was codified into law in 1976. Functioning as a limitation to copyright, its initial intent was to allow the use of a protected work, regardless of the author’s permission, for the purpose of commenting in some manner on the work itself.  Although the doctrine has evolved to include uses that transform works for purposes other than commentary (e.g. Google Books), the underlying need for the fair use limitation was to maintain balance between free speech and copyright. If an author were able to enforce his copyright in order to stifle a use necessary to comment on his expression or that transforms his expression in some useful way, then free speech may be chilled or copyright may fail in its purpose to promote expression or progress. But drawing these contours is, of course, only possible on a case-by-case basis. When a defendant argues  fair use in a copyright infringement suit, a panel of judges will consider these four factors:

  1. The purpose and character of the use, including whether such use is of a commercial nature or is for nonprofit purposes.
  2. The nature of the copyrighted work.
  3. The amount and substantiality of the portion used in relation to the copyrighted work as a whole and relative to the purpose of the new work or use.
  4. The effect of the use upon the potential market for the value of the copyrighted work.

Even a casual glance at these criteria should tell independent creators what their attorneys would tell them, if they had attorneys—that there are no bright lines in fair use defenses.  Each case is distinct and highly susceptible to human interpretation. For example, I bet most laymen—me included—would have a tough time squaring the 1992 decision rejecting artist Jeff Koons’s fair use defense for his use of Art Rogers’s “Puppies” photograph with the 2013 decision affirming Richard Prince’s fair use defense for his use of Patrick Cariou’s Rastafarian photos. The reason I cite these two cases is that when considering the fourth factor in the latter, the panel determined that because Prince’s market is the fine art world and Cariou’s market is not, the potential market harm to the original photographs would be unlikely.  Aside from the fact that this contemporary ruling places judges in the undesirable role of cultural critics, the point I’m making is that the same distinction could have been made between Jeff Koons and Art Rogers, but it was not.

Forgive that detour, but I’m trying to underscore that, although there are some fairly simple circumstances in which a rights holder might make a reasonable assessment about a fair use of her work, case law demonstrates that there is nothing universally objective about the doctrine—perhaps especially when the use is artist to artist.  In fact, my colleague Terry Hart tells me that between 1978 and 2005, 33.8% of District Court fair use decisions were overturned on appeal. And there’s a reason why the landmark case involving 2 Live Crew’s parodic version of the song “Pretty Woman” went all the way to the Supreme Court:  because fair use is complicated.  So, the suggestion that a non-attorney, creator can be expected to make an “objective” assessment of a possible fair use defense prior to sending a DMCA notice to take down an otherwise infringing use of her work online is an exercise in metaphysics, if not outright sorcery.

My apologies at this point for the amount of amateur legal analysis in this piece—something I normally avoid—but there’s no other way to tell this story.

The reason I’m stressing the subjective nature of fair use is that this week an amicus brief was filed on behalf of Google, Twitter, WordPress, and Tumblr asking the Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit to overturn—not its decision—but its rationale in the 2004 case Rossi v MPAA.  And it appears, based on the number of references to fair use in the brief, that they are seeking this revision because it might strengthen the Internet industry’s position regarding the ruling just last month in Lenz v UMG, a.k.a. the “Dancing Baby” case. (This involves the temporary takedown from YouTube of a home video depicting Ms. Lenz’s baby dancing to Prince’s “Let’s Go Crazy,” which occurred in 2007 and has been litigated by the EFF ever since.)

The recent Lenz ruling by this same court affirmed that a rights holder, prior to sending a DMCA takedown notice, must consider whether or not a use would be judged fair but that the consideration may be “subjective,” thereby rejecting the EFF’s argument in that case for an “objective” standard. So, it’s interesting that the Internet companies named in this brief are seeking a revision to the rationale in Rossi, in which the court also applied a “subjective” standard, but in a lawsuit that had nothing whatsoever to do with a fair use defense.  So, why seek the new ruling in Rossi instead of Lenz?  Because in a weird way, it might work.  But not necessarily.

In Rossi v MPAA, Michael Rossi claimed that the Motion Picture Association wrongfully used the DMCA to shut down his site internetmovies.com.  The takedown was issued because the site had advertised that full-length movies could be downloaded from the portal, though this turned out not to be true.  Rossi was lying to users (presumably in order to generate traffic), and the MPAA did not confirm whether or not his platform actually made movies available before they sent the takedown notice.  As a result, Rossi sued MPAA for a variety of injuries stemming from its alleged abuse of DMCA, but the court held that MPAA had acted in good faith in accordance with the DMCA and so rejected all of Rossi’s claims.

This new amicus brief filed on behalf of Google et al, states that the outcome of Rossi is correct but that the court should “take this opportunity to clarify the law and hold that that the good faith requirement in Section 512(c)(3)(A)(v) encompasses an objective standard with respect to whether use of a copyrighted work is ‘authorized by law.’” In theory, if these Internet companies can convince the court to affirm an “objective” standard in Rossi, the revision could perhaps be applied to the decision in Lenz and then more broadly assert that any rights holder must “objectively” consider fair use before issuing a takedown notice, or risk possible litigation for wrongful takedown.

But even if the court were to revise its ruling to affirm an “objective” standard in Rossi, any reasonable person should recognize that the additional burden on the MPAA in that case would be a consideration that is, in principle, objectively possible (i.e. they might have been able to confirm whether or not Rossi’s site was actually making movies available illegally).  But, in a given situation in which a rights holder contemplates issuing a takedown notice, there are almost no objective criteria (i.e. evidence) by which he can consider whether or not the recipient of the notice might present an effective fair use defense. (As addressed in this post about an artist friend of mine, fair use confuses people with the best intentions.)  The dynamic and interdependent nature of the four factors alone should demonstrate to any reasonable individual that fair use is a highly subjective, case-by-case doctrine.

More specifically, the “subjective” ruling in Lenz refers to the automated notice and takedown procedure, typically used by major rights holders like UMG, coupled with an algorithmic (i.e. imperfect) process to assess likely fair uses. The court held that this “subjective” automation meets the standard of a good faith effort, which seems only reasonable in light of the tens of millions of rightful DMCA takedown notices that are sent out by major rights holders every month. And that brings us to the heart of the matter …

Can we address takedown abuse without improperly burdening rights holders?

Ostensibly, the aim of this amicus brief is to address the problem of abusive takedown; and the authors state their broad concern about the “subjective” standard thus:

“… the more misinformed or unreasonable the copyright owner, the broader the immunity he would have from liability under Section 512(f). This reading of 512(f) would effectively encourage copyright owners to remain ignorant about the limitations on their exclusive rights under the Copyright Act, see 17 U.S.C. §§ 107–123, because the less they know, the more leeway they would have to send takedown notices.”

Perhaps there is some merit to this anxiety, but I am doubtful that the solution will be found in seeking the “objective” standard revision in Rossi. After all, the takedown of Ms. Lenz’s video did not occur due to ignorance of the law; the video was restored to YouTube according to DMCA procedures; and it was the EFF that decided to spend the last eight years suing UMG because the case appears to have provided a pathway to reshape the law behind the PR veil of “big mean corporate rights holder picking on an innocent baby.” As I’ve said in the past, there are better examples of DMCA takedown abuse, but not so many with headliner names like Prince.

No question that DMCA takedown abuse does happen, though it is dramatically outweighed by the number of legitimate takedown notices that are sent and resent in a nearly futile attempt to stop countless incidents of actual infringement. The amicus brief cites several exemplary takedown abuses—many of which would likely merit a fair use defense—issued by individuals or entities who either don’t understand copyright or who know exactly what they’re doing and are abusing copyright in an attempt to censor criticism or commentary. But these examples are not an indictment of the purpose of copyright; and rights holders with legitimate claims should not be made to bear the burden of mitigating abuse by a minority of bad actors—least of all with the purpose of making DMCA procedures easier or cheaper for OSPs. In fact, the weakness of the stated motivation for this amicus brief is written in the document itself and stated thus:

“Google receives hundreds of notices that suffer from similar defects, often repeatedly from the same vexatious submitters, and devotes substantial human and machine resources in an attempt to identify these abusive notices among the tens of millions of DMCA notices that Google processes each month”

Out of tens of millions of notices, Google identifies hundreds of potentially abusive ones from a consistent group of “vexatious submitters.”  Does that not sound on the face of it like an exception to a rule, one that begs for a targeted solution rather than a broad revision of legal standards that may place undue burden on many rights holders?  The Internet industry regularly criticizes proposals for remedies and legal frameworks for being “overly broad.” Yet, the pursuit of this revised standard, seems to be asking the court to use a sledgehammer to swat at flies.  Hundreds of abusive notices out of tens of millions is somewhere in the universe of .003%, and the Internet industry wants us to believe that this is the real problem with DMCA.

It seems to me that the public interest would be best served by Congressional revision of the DMCA in order to mitigate both takedown abuse and safe harbor abuse (though you may hear a collective gasp from Silicon Valley at the suggestion of the latter). In fact the amount of energy and resources the Internet industry has devoted to rewriting Lenz into a story of “abuse” is both revealing and appalling. After all, it is unreasonable to argue that a rights holding entity must be held to a stricter standard of consideration of the legality of a particular use while inadequacies in the antiquated safe harbor provisions necessitate the automated issuing of tens of millions of takedown notices per month.  In other words, if Google et al want rights holders to more carefully consider each infringement, then Google et al should be required to more aggressively reduce the volume of infringement on their platforms down to a manageable scale. Meanwhile, I believe neither the courts nor Congress should amend standards that can in any way increase the challenges already faced by individual and small-entity creators to enforce their copyrights in the digital marketplace. In fact, making that enforcement easier just might benefit everyone.


* In order as referenced: Rogers v Koons; Campbell v Acuff-Rose; Lenz v UMG; Leibovitz v Paramount Pictures; Prince v Cariou; Google v Authors Guild.