Headless in the Garden – Facebook & Free Speech

It turns out this is Free Speech Week, although I doubt this fact had anything to do with the timing of Facebook’s recent dustup over its decision to allow videos of beheadings on its pages. On Monday, it was reported that executives at Facebook had decided to lift a previously imposed ban on sharing videos that depict actual beheadings committed by terrorists and gangsters. The company almost immediately reversed this decision in response to what appears to have been universal revulsion by users. Of course, our disgust doesn’t mean sharing these videos is not a matter of free speech, but neither is it a First Amendment issue simply because Facebook says it is.  Regardless, the story raises some of the cultural and/or legal questions inherent in our relationship to social media, so it’s an interesting topic after we all agree that almost none of us wishes to see, let alone have our kids stumble upon, a video of someone being decapitated.

The first question it seems we grapple with is whether the company that owns a site like Facebook does or does not bear responsibility for the content we users post on its walls. In principle, if the site establishes any rules governing content at all — and they wouldn’t get far in most countries if they didn’t — then the very existence of said rules implies responsibility.  Facebook, for instance, does not allow nudity to be posted, and the reason is obvious; there are simply too many ways to run afoul of existing laws pertaining to obscenity or to sexuality and minors. Every teenager posting a naked selfie would be a legal entanglement for the company. Yet, it’s easy to wonder why it matters when minors are a mouseclick away from being exposed to every kind of pornography outside the walled garden of Facebook.  While executives at the company are not entirely wrong that protecting kids from exposure to horrific images is a job for parents, our voluntary presence and activity on the site is a bit like entering a shopping mall where the landlords are allowed to turn our interaction into revenue.  As such, it isn’t really public space.  If I put a bunch of violently offensive posters on the walls in my local shopping center, I could be arrested; but the mall owners could easily be sued if they chose to leave the posters up on the grounds that I was exercising my right of free expression.  This argument would never fly in physical space, and it doesn’t appear to work so well in virtual space either.

The attitude of most site owners tends toward a laissez faire approach to content shared or created by users; and this is legitimately understandable given the slippery nature of trying to define protected vs. restricted speech.  Still, I suspect the primary motivations are financial rather than ideological.  When one is in the business of monetizing traffic, it’s simply easier not to care what drives that traffic.  But when thousands or millions of users dog-pile onto some content or activity that is truly depraved, we do have to decide whether we’re okay with allowing the walled gardens of social media to become new Coliseums of grotesque spectacle.  From anecdotal observation, it seems most users are not okay with this and that they do want to hold site owners accountable.   When Caroline Criado-Perez campaigned in the U.K. for Jane Austen to appear on British bank notes, she received  a deluge of death and rape threats via Twitter. The company was ultimately forced to respond to public demand for greater capacity to report and mitigate abuses through the social network.

With regard to the decapitation videos, Facebook tried to play the pubic service card, claiming that people were sharing a particular beheading video “in order to condemn it, but one must ask to what end?  So we can put those pro-beheading folks in their place?  There is a persistent conceit that the Internet brings us realities from around the world that traditional news media does not deliver and that we are thus able to confront hard truths head-on and address them. Sometimes, this is the case, but often it’s just bullshit.  Nothing, for example, will happen as a result of 20,000 or 200,000 people watching a video of a gangster or a terrorist beheading someone except that a majority of viewers will wish they hadn’t seen it, and a small number of viewers  will anesthetize their senses to a medieval form of murder.  What possible social value would Facebook’s perhaps-too-insulated executives imagine coming from allowing these videos?  What is anyone meant to learn that would manifest as some action we might take?  Absent a good answer to those questions, one must conclude that the motivation is spectacle itself.

Certainly I believe free speech is the most sacred right to be preserved in a free society, and in order to protect this right, most of us understand that we must defend it absolutely even for expressions we find offensive.  It seems, however, that those who presume to lead in the digital age would expand this principle to include all transactions made through these technologies, even when there is technically no speaker and nothing being said.  This is perhaps a byproduct of labeling all user-provided substance with the generic content.  A rape-threat tweet or a poem are the same thing, measured only by the attention they attract.  It is comforting to see that plenty of so-called users have not quite bought this rationale.  So, Happy Free Speech Week!

Bits & Pieces – Search, Speech, Privacy, Interdependence

The Illusion of Search

Casey Chan at Gizmodo.com suggests in this brief post that Google.com “barely shows real search results” on an initial results page, devoting a lot of screen real estate instead to Google services.  According to the linked study at Tutorspree, the problem is only exacerbated on smaller screens, and searching for products and services appears to put small business in direct competition with Google, which could well be the seeds of an anti-trust violation.

This does look a lot like an Illusion of More subject — the assumption that a universe of knowledge and resources is at our fingertips is betrayed by the reality of a circumscribed world designed to serve one corporate powerhouse.  It’s worth paying attention to with regard to consumer-based search, although research based search still seems to be relatively unchanged.  If I search something fairly esoteric like “Charles Giteau,” the delusional sap who shot President Garfield, I get links that are arguably valid results.

Free speech has its limits, even on Twitter

Speaking of presidential assassinations, it turns out that it’s a bad idea to threaten the President of the United States (or anyone else under Secret Service protection) even through social media.  The New York Times reports that Jarvis Britton (26) posted assassination threats against President Obama and that he is now serving a one-year term in federal prison.  After an initial round of threats, Mr. Britton was visited by Secret Service agents, who let him go after he apologized and said he’d been drunk; but it was Britton’s subsequent threatening tweets that led to prosecution.

Speaking for myself, if Secret Service agents showed up at my door and let me off with a warning, I might just find religion and join a monastery; but somehow there is a persistent yet absurd belief that social media is in some way private and personal.  We continue to see evidence that users of social media fail to recognize that it is a soapbox in the city square, and one that creates indelible impressions.   The free speech question in this case is settled law. If you say you wish the president would die, that’s protected speech; if you say you intend to kill the president, that’s grounds for being investigated and possibly prosecuted.  Why this would be any different on Twitter or other social media is a mystery to me, but I’m sure someone will offer a bizarre theory to the contrary.

Privacy Concerns

While many Americans continue to post gripes about their perception that the 4th Amendment no longer exists, I see far less wall-space being devoted to Google’s privacy policies landing it in hot water again.  Inviting censure from five EU countries, privacy watchdogs have expressed concerns as to how user data will be “shared” across the spectrum of Google products and how transparent Google is with regard to user understanding of the policies.

As I have stated repeatedly, I don’t think there’s anything wrong with keeping a weather eye on government intelligence services, but I continue to be surprised by the level of Orwell-invoking hysteria while simultaneously volunteering privacy away via private companies like Google.  If Snowden reveals anything (and I personally don’t think he reveals much), it’s that at the point when government agents do infringe civil rights their information is going to come from large telecom and internet companies.  Where else do we expect them to look?

A Declaration of Interdependence

In a rare moment of digital-age exuberance on this American Independence weekend, I leave you with this wonderful short film that reminds us that interdependence is a requisite constituent to human existence.  Directed by filmmaker Tiffany Shain, with animations by Stefan Nadelman, and music by Moby, the film is comprised of clips submitted from around the globe of individuals reading “The Declaration of Interdependence” in their native languages.

The reality of the internet, I believe, is that it does indeed connect us or, as this film reveals, reminds us that we have always been connected.  That is the power of these technologies, and the collaborative filmmaking being done at Let it Ripple is certainly inspiring and also humbling.  But this film also brings to mind the tension of the digital age.  With awareness of interdependence comes greater responsibility to live accordingly.   And as discussed in recent posts, the technology seems to foster the dichotomy of committing selfish acts under the cover of a generalized humanism.

Free Speech & Digital-Age Narcissism

Photo by Yaroslav Gerzhedovich
Photo by Yaroslav Gerzhedovich

A new Twitter follower is an Indian media & tech lawyer named Nandita Saikia, who offers this blog about certain kinds of exploitative pornography and free speech.  As a non-lawyer, I won’t comment on any of the case law she cites in the post, but the central theme is instructive with regard to how arguments that appear to support an absolutist approach to free speech can actually be restrictive and rather elitist when they fail to consider that the principle must balance the rights of both the recipients and the disseminators of speech. Referring to pornography, Saikia makes what should be an obvious point that pornographic content which exploits (i.e. is non consensual) the individual(s) depicted is a violation of civil rights that trumps the free speech rights of any recipients who view that content, even though the recipients are not directly responsible for the existence or availability of the exploitative content in the first place.

Extreme examples like revenge pornography or pornography produced with victims of human trafficking are useful boulders to turn over, if we want to look closely at the entomological realities of some of the arguments made about what should constitute protected speech on the web. The purposeful or inadvertent viewer of exploitative porn (except that involving minors) is certainly indemnified from the crime of the exploitation itself, but this does not mean that once this content is out there in the sacrosanct realm of cyberspace, it automatically becomes protected speech simply because millions of people who are not guilty of the initial civil rights abuse can find it or stumble upon it.  This may appear self-evident in these cases, but the exact opposite  claim is a common feature of arguments used to assert, or at least imply, that access to content like pirated entertainment media is a form of protected speech.

Few rational, decent people will offer full-throated, First Amendment defenses for either the viewing or the dissemination of something like a video depicting a real rape or a crush video, but as we segue from these extreme and heinous examples toward the less serious matter of unlicensed access to common fare, the free speech argument made will often boil down to applying the same irrational premise — that once content is out there, the rights of the recipient are more important than the rights of the disseminator, even if the disseminator is being exploited.  One may argue that  piracy is a victimless crime, which it is not, but it doesn’t matter in this case because the logical construct for this unbalanced approach to free speech is equally unsound in either instance.

Now, I know the myrmidons over at TechDirt love the word conflate, and they would do their usual hammy spit-take to hear me conflate copyright infringement with exploitative pornography, but that’s because nuance is the enemy of the blunt and sardonic.  Clearly, I am not comparing violent crime with mass copyright infringement, but am using the former to illustrate more starkly why the imbalance is unreasonable.  In practice, we should pay attention when vested interests play shell game, shifting free speech arguments from recipients to disseminators whimsically in order to support some agenda.

In fact, European Pirate Party founder Rick Falkvinge conflated the same two subjects in one of the more extreme examples of presumptive free speech absolutism I’ve seen proposed.  In a bizarrely constructed argument for the legalization of child pornography, Falkvinge writes, “The copyright industry loves child pornography [because] it opens the door to censorship.” This is an example of what I like to call quantum idiocy, when the internal fallacies of a single statement are so tightly bound as to occupy a dimension beyond the scrutiny of reason. There is no such thing as the copyright industry; nobody should accuse anyone except a confirmed pedophile of loving child pornography; and fighting mass copyright infringement isn’t censorship by any definition of that word.  But these keywords do play well among those who’ve come to believe that as recipients of content (the majority), their free speech rights are more important than the disseminators of content (the minority).

What intrigues me most about this phenomenon is the inherent narcissism, which not only leads to some bizarre behaviors on the web, but actually belies all the egalitarian rhetoric so often used to defend this kind of lopsided, free-speech absolutism.  When the majority of recipients are “more equal” than the minority of disseminators, it asserts the rule of the mob over the rights of the individual, which is anathema to the principle of civil rights in the first place. In the next post, I’ll dig a little deeper into this question of web-induced narcissism, including a discussion of trolls and whom we actually mean when we use the phrase “the internet community.”