Is Congress Prepared to Scuttle Good State Laws for AI Developers

state laws

A fight is underway in Congress over an amendment to the “big beautiful” budget reconciliation bill that would put a 10-year moratorium on state laws governing certain uses of artificial intelligence. The amendment, proposed by Republicans and opposed by Democrats on the House Energy and Commerce Committee, is broad and concerning to multiple stakeholders, including 36 State Attorneys General who signed a letter addressed to the House. It states, “The impact of such a broad moratorium would be sweeping and wholly destructive of reasonable state efforts to prevent known harms associated with AI.”

The language, which passed out of committee last week, states:

(c) MORATORIUM.—

(1) IN GENERAL.—Except as provided in paragraph (2), no State or political subdivision thereof may enforce any law or regulation regulating artificial intelligence models, artificial intelligence systems, or automated decision systems during the 10-year period beginning on the date of the enactment of this Act.

According to Tech Policy Press, the idea for a legislative “pause” to allow AI development room to “innovate” began with a 2024 blog post by R Street’s Adam Thierer. “With over 700 federal and state AI legislative proposals threatening to drown AI innovators in a tsunami of red tape, Congress should consider adopting a ‘learning period’ moratorium that would limit burdensome new federal AI mandates as well as the looming patchwork of inconsistent state and local laws,” Thierer wrote.

Putting a pin in my cynicism about “learning periods” granted to Big Tech, the fact is that on cyber policy, Republicans and Democrats have been united (at least in multiple hearings) on the theme that tech platforms have already acted irresponsibly with their unregulated market when it comes to mitigating child suicide, drug trafficking, non-consensual pornography, threats to lawful commerce, and other matters. Further, several states have already passed, or are proposing, laws aimed at specific harms, all of which are either directly or indirectly facilitated with AI technology.

For example, the Texas Senate recently and unanimously passed a bill designed to “Stop AI Generated Child Pornography,” and it is tough to imagine why Texas Representatives or Senators would pass legislation that would preempt their own state’s right and rationale to mitigate this egregious crime. Some may argue that the moratorium will not preempt the Texas law, or similar laws, but I think it is a safe bet that such laws would be ripe for a preemption challenge.

Perhaps no party will litigate to defend child pornography, but what about the rights of musical performers? In March of last year, music-rich Tennessee passed the ELVIS Act to prohibit the AI replication of voices without permission of the individual. The act further prohibits making available an algorithm, software, tool, et al. with the primary purpose or function of producing an unauthorized “likeness.” Given the interests of AI developers in various uses of likeness replication, Tennessee’s ELVIS Act would seem ideal for a preemption challenge, if Congress were to pass the moratorium. Indeed Tennessee Senator Blackburn, recently pushed back on the moratorium proposal, citing the ELVIS Act as a “first generation of the NO FAKES” bill that was reintroduced in Congress in April.  

In California, the State Assembly Judiciary Committee recently passed AB-412, which would require AI developers to (upon request) provide information as to whether a rightsholder’s protected and registered works were used in model training. This provision, essentially requiring that a product maker take responsibility for materials in its supply chain, would almost certainly fail a preemption challenge under the moratorium.

Ten Years is Forever in Tech Time

Returning to the cynicism I set aside, lawmakers on both sides of the aisle already know what 10+ years of letting Big Tech do what it wants looks like. Americans have already “learned” that lesson, and I have lost count of how many times Republicans and Democrats have disparaged the unconditioned immunity of Section 230 and the industry’s callous disregard for the various harms it causes.

Yes, we are going to continue to debate and fight like hell over the bugaboo of misinformation, but in the meantime, Republicans cannot reasonably want to oppose state laws designed to protect their citizens from direct physical, emotional, and/or economic harm. We’ve been there and done that to death. Congress should not be persuaded to let Big Tech play in the lab for another decade just to see what happens.

Below, is a list of laws enacted or proposed in several states, and Congress should take particular note of legislation designed to protect both children and adults from sexual abuse with generative AI.


Image by Wrightstudio

Digital Citizens Alliance Issues Its First Report on Digital Secondary Markets

secondary markets

Today, both producers and consumers are increasingly aware that every opportunity and convenience afforded by digital commerce comes with an unwritten warning label that scams abound—from counterfeiting to price gouging to malware attacks. Thus, in 2024, Digital Citizens Alliance independently launched the Responsible Markets Initiative (RMI) to research existing and emerging harms in secondary markets. Its first report on digital secondary markets states …

Digital Citizens launched the Responsible Markets Initiative (RMI) – to put a spotlight on these markets to help consumers make smart decisions and provide information to policymakers grappling with how to ensure online trust and safety.

Among the many unfounded claims by tech-utopians is that the internet will bring about an age of abundance for producers and consumers alike. This belief, bordering on religious faith, is now being promoted as an inevitable benefit of artificial intelligence—and this despite the mountain of evidence that without regulation, cyberspace is a huckster’s playground. In RMI’s report titled When It Comes to Digital Markets, Trust Can’t Be Secondary, it highlights three secondary markets—event tickets, real estate, and domain names—where digital technology enables large-scale predatory practices that harm consumers with excessive prices and artificial scarcity.

Concerts and Sporting Events Are Now Luxury Experiences

Price gouging in the secondary ticket market is not news to anyone who has purchased event tickets in recent years, but the RMI report is an eye-opener just the same. It states…

Brokers use sophisticated techniques and relationships with promoters to snap up coveted tickets before fans can buy them. That in turn forces the fans who were beaten to the punch by brokers to shell out hundreds, if not thousands, of dollars in ticket costs and service fees to StubHub, Vivid Seats, SeatGeek, and other secondary platforms.

Historically, a scalper on the street commits a crime by selling tickets at a premium. But not only was the old-school scalper not marking up prices by thousands—or even tens of thousands—of dollars, he also did not have a means to pre-buy blocks of tickets before consumers had the opportunity to buy them at their original prices. That’s exactly what digital technology enables the ticket brokers to do, creating artificial scarcity by manufacturing a “secondary market” the moment the primary market opens to the public.

From there, according to the RMI report, the brokers’ blocks of tickets are sold via online platforms like StubHub who add more extraordinary fees to the prices that were already inflated by the brokers. Thus, a ticket for a premium event, say originally priced around $400, becomes a $1400 ticket as listed on the platform, only to finalize as a $1,900 ticket at the actual point of purchase. And all while creating an atmosphere that the consumer must act fast to obtain tickets or miss the event.

Even non-concertgoers are likely familiar with stories about Taylor Swift’s last tour for which American fans paid outrageous, secondary-market prices. “Some found it more cost-effective to fly to Europe to catch a Taylor Swift show due to European regulations that combat charging exorbitant prices for tickets…” the RMI report states. It also forecasts similar shenanigans for Lady Gaga’s upcoming “Mayhem Ball Tour,” stating,  “For example, second row seats in Section 212 are selling for $5,175.40 (with fees) on VividSeats.”

Let Me Interject …

As a copyright advocate, I cannot ignore the layers of hypocrisy the ticket sale fiasco reveals about tech-utopian claims. On the basis that the internet “democratizes” everything, the anti-copyright crowd alleged that artists’ legal rights create artificial scarcity and unjustly “seek rent” from consumers by charging fees to access works. With music, the careless response to artists was that they should forget sales of recorded music (i.e., embrace piracy) and “just tour.” In part, that directive was based on the claim that $12 – $20 was an “extortionate” price for a fan to pay for an album, and that claim was paired with the unexamined analysis that “hardly any of the money goes to the artists anyway,”

But between the streaming platforms siphoning most of the revenue out of the recorded music market and the ticket brokers and resale platforms driving event prices into the stratosphere, I fail to see how the digital age is fostering anything close to the utopian prediction of “abundance” for both music maker and music fan. And none of the billions of dollars referenced by the RMI report goes to the artists. Plus, speaking as a pre-digital-age consumer, I didn’t go to a ton of concerts as a teenager, but ticket prices were not comparable to a semester of college tuition!

This have/have-nots result is bad enough in the event ticket market and ripe for consumer protection measures by the federal government, but RMI’s focus on housing and domain name speculation has even more serious implications for community and business prosperity.

Artificial Scarcity in the Housing Market

Affordable, workforce housing, whether for long-term renters or new homebuyers, is at a crisis condition in many communities around the country. While there are multiple factors to consider, the RMI report notes …

A key factor in [housing] scarcity and price hikes has been homes no longer on the market because they have been monetized by homeowners or investors – either as vacation rentals placed on digital secondary markets such as Airbnb or as part of long-term real estate portfolios by private equity firms, real estate investment trusts (REITs), and large corporations oftentimes financed by private equity groups.

Both Airbnb and private equity (PE) acquisition are cited in the report as having adverse effects on availability, skyrocketing prices, and the character of communities. For instance, the report states that “…residents of Indian Rocks Beach [FL] have called [vacation] rentals a ‘cancer’ that is ‘destroying what was once a peaceful safe community…” At the same time, while not a digital market, “…institutional investors such as Blackstone and Pretium Partners could control 40 percent of U.S. single-family rental homes by 2030,” the report states.

Combine these two effects, and RMI is right to imagine how any American community can become like “Pottersville” in the nightmare sequence from It’s a Wonderful Life, where the soulless, greedy old man Potter owns the whole town. This is a concern of economic, political, and cultural equity. If housing in a community is occupied by a small fraction of wealthy homeowners, a majority workforce population renting from one or two PE landlords, and too many short-term (Airbnb-type) renters, the character and stability of the community are at risk because fewer of the residents have a stake in the life of the community.

As one hypothetical example, if a single PE firm in Manhattan owned 500 rental homes in my small Hudson Valley community, and those investors decide to price out half the long-term renters to make room for vacation (Airbnb) renters, that 250 family loss would be a substantial change at the polls when we vote for school board or county legislators. Meanwhile, the larger volume of vacation renters has both positive and negative effects on the community without any stake as residents. Examples abound, but it is easy to see how predatory acquisition of housing to create a secondary market can hollow out the vibrant center of any community.

Masters of the Domain

No, that’s not a reference to Seinfeld. Rather, “domainers” are the handful of folks who scoop up internet domain names in bulk for the purpose of selling those names at a premium. This practice of “digital real estate flipping,” to borrow the analogy from the RMI report, can cost a startup business a ridiculous amount of money just to obtain their own company name as the .com URL they need. To me, this form of “investing” is like roulette meets ransomware—picking names in advance to hold hostage on the theory that some of the “families” who want those hostages will pay huge sums for their return. Domaining should probably be illegal, but instead, “there are roughly 5,000-10,000 domainers who control between 15 million to 25 million domains (nearly all of which are .COM),” the RMI report states. It also cites this contemporary example:

The day that Pope Francis died, April 21, someone registered PopeLeoIV.com in hopes his successor would choose that name. The domain name is now parked with the email contact (as of May 12, 2025): thisdomainforsale@diginames.com. Presumably, it’s quite pricey. If the new pontiff had chosen to be called Pope John Paul III, that domain name is listed for $1 million.

Again, RMI focuses on both the extortion-level prices charged for domain names and the artificial scarcity of URLs created by domainers. “Millions of domains remain dormant while resellers hold out for high returns. And when these domains are not used but ‘parked’ (left undeveloped), it creates scarcity just like tickets and homes,” the report says. I know through attorney colleagues that even small businesses have paid thousands of dollars they can barely afford to acquire essential domain names; and I had a friend—a widow who didn’t know how to renew a URL for her semi-famous husband’s name—discover that the name quickly fell into the hands of domainers.

Further, the RMI report states that, “When neglected, [parked domains] become targets for bad actors who leverage [the URLs] to redirect traffic to malicious websites or subdomains they create. This tactic enables the criminals to spread malware, steal credentials, and present malicious ads that have viruses.”

Domainers are a classic example of the distinction between the promise of tech-utopians and the reality of the digital market. The bait of “democratization,” i.e., that anyone with an entrepreneurial spirit and a good idea can enter the market, is undermined by the switch of reality that some of the most successful entrepreneurs in the digital age seem to be anyone who devises a new way to hijack fair-market transactions.

The Responsible Markets Initiative recommends a “village approach” involving Congress, private interests, consumer advocates, and law enforcement to address the kind of predatory practices described in this report on secondary markets. To be sure, the overarching lesson of Web 2.0 is that leaving “the internet” to do its thing without oversight has had disastrous effects we are only now acknowledging, let alone addressing. And to RMI’s point, we do not want an otherwise valuable secondary market to become a black market operating in plain sight.

 


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Leading Scholars Insist Their Names Be Removed from the ALI Restatement of Copyright Law

restatement

Four luminaries of copyright law and scholarship submitted a letter to the American Law Institute (ALI) formally withdrawing their names as Advisers from the Restatement of Copyright Law, approval of which is set to be voted on next week. Professors Shyam Balganesh, Jane Ginsburg, and Peter Menell, along with attorney David Nimmer submitted the May 12 letter conveying strong disagreement with both the substance of the Restatement and the subterfuge in the process. Affirming their commitment to the mission of the ALI overall, the authors write, “…we firmly believe that the Restatement of Copyright is materially different from anything that the Institute has done, and is unsuccessful when measured against the very goals of the Restatements.”

To review, the ALI writes and publishes Restatements of Law that synthesize matters of common law for the purpose of providing guidance to the courts. Thus, when various state courts rule, for instance, on tort or contract matters, the ALI will use that body of case law to write a Restatement that seeks to harmonize common and sound decisions—and these Restatements may then be referenced by future courts almost as if they were statutory law.

But because the Copyright Act is already statutory law, the proposal about ten years ago to write a Restatement was instantly controversial—not least because the project was initiated at the urging of copyright skeptic, Professor Pamela Samuelson and was then led by fellow skeptic Professor Christopher Sprigman. It is in no way unfair to say that Samuelson and Sprigman belong to a class of IP academics who promote a view of copyright as they believe it should be rather than the law as it is. That view is, of course, their prerogative, and advocating change to law has its value; but since its beginning, the Restatement of Copyright has been viewed by many in the legal community as a veiled end-run around the legislative process.

Without getting into a harangue on the many doctrinal conflicts promoted by the “copyleft,” let alone the amount of Big Tech money funding their various projects and institutions, suffice to say that when one writes papers and amicus briefs that are aspirational rather than grounded, one loses a lot in court. In fact, Professor Menell, who recently delivered the distinguished Horace S. Manges Lecture, which I had the honor to attend, included a slide showing the success rate of major copyleft attorneys in the courts—and it is not an impressive record.

Although I have certainly heard rumors about the start of the Restatement project, I shall decline to comment on how Prof. Samuelson convinced the ALI to take up the uncommon task of restating Copyright Law. What is certain, however, is that almost since the start of the project, the signatories of the May 12 letter, along with other copyright experts involved, recognized that they were being treated as Advisers in name only while Sprigman et al. proceeded to “restate” copyright law as they believe it should be applied. As the May 12 letter states:

The current draft of the Restatement does not reflect a consensus or even broad agreement of the Adviser group, nor does it adequately address the innumerable objections made by the group as well as, and especially, by the Copyright Office.

In a March 2021 podcast on this blog, Professors Balganesh and Menell spoke to me about the lack of transparency in the Restatement project as well as the unorthodox methodologies being applied. Clearly, nothing about the process improved in the intervening four years because, as the letter states:

As we have repeatedly noted in our comments to the Reporters and the Council, the Restatement of Copyright refuses to acknowledge the centrality of the statute, and instead routinely re-phrases (with strategic intent) the wording of the statute in a way that is at odds with an interpretive exercise.

…while we might see some merit in advocating substantive statutory changes were this a Principles Project, we believe that it is misleading to courts when such revision is passed off as an accurate (rather than aspirational) interpretation of the law as part of a Restatement.

So, after about ten years and who knows how many hours, the ALI is going to publish a Restatement of Copyright Law that seems more likely to confound rather than rationally guide the courts—or perhaps, it will simply be ignored. Further, it must be said that at a time when millions of Americans, including many legal scholars, believe that the rule of law is under threat, one civics lesson of the moment might be that small groups of cloistered ideologues should not be writing or re-writing any laws.