Is Code Free Speech?

I recently watched a documentary on Netflix called The Secret Rules of Modern Living: Algorithms, hosted by mathematician Marcus du Sautoy, and I would recommend this user-friendly guide for anyone who, like me, has basically sucked at math their whole lives.  In one segment, du Sautoy describes how a matching algorithm pairs compatible donor sets with patients who need kidney transplants—a problem of global complexity that could never be solved without the algorithm—and one that unquestionably saves lives. Suffice to say, code is certainly running nearly every important and trivial aspect of our lives today, so the question of whether or not code itself is speech is an acutely important one.

To cut to the chase, even that introductory paragraph suggests that code is not speech because, most of the time, we refer to code’s role as a predicate—namely in context to that which code runs.  Action is generally not protected speech but is in fact the threshold moment when various forms of “expression” can become potentially tortious behaviors.  And since, most of the time, code is a set of instructions telling a machine to perform a specific set of actions, this would seem to implicate the liability of the author or user of code for the consequences of those actions.

On his blog Uncomputing, Virginia Commonwealth University professor David Golumbia tackles the question of code as speech, placing the matter appropriately at the heart of our current political paradox in which we feel simultaneously frustrated by both corporate and government enterprise, especially when a principal responsibility of the latter is to protect us from the intemperances of the former.  Broadly, the danger inherent in the proposal that code is speech is that it too easily becomes a catch-all defense for the “automated” actions of any number of corporations, thus taking the notion of corporate personhood to a level way beyond the political-finance implications of the SCOTUS decision in Citizens United.  Golumbia writes …

“The cyberlibertarian understanding of “code is speech” contributes to a profoundly conservative assault on the rights of citizens, by depriving the state of the power to regulate and legislate against the corporations that exist only at the state’s pleasure in the first place. This is why “code is speech” has been so powerfully advocated for decades among crypto-anarchists and cypherpunks. Yet at least these groups are, for the most part, explicit about their desire to shrink governmental power and expand the power of capital. Today the view that “code is speech” is far more widespread, but it is no less noxious, than the explicit crypto-anarchist doctrine.” 

Golumbia makes it clear that he recognizes that code can have speech-like qualities and that it can, and should, be considered speech by courts when appropriate.  But he argues that the general proposition that code is fundamentally speech is “more wrong than right,” because code is more action than expression.  Where this question might get tricky for many people is with a case like Apple v FBI, in which a lot of the reportage (and Apple’s own PR) portrayed the story as one in which the corporation is protecting user privacy from government overreach.  Certainly, the privacy issue is part of the story; but as Golumbia points out, Apple presented a code-is-free-speech argument in its motion to vacate a court order this past Februrary. He explains why Apple’s position in this case was on shaky legal ground and further proposes why Apple’s argument is not only weak, but also particularly toxic to civil liberties.

Golumbia refutes Apple’s position in four parts, arguing that 1) The “code is speech” premise is not settled law as Apple asserted; 2) that even if code were speech as a settled matter, it is not true that the government can never pass laws restricting certain types of speech; 3) that code’s primary purpose is action while the First Amendment protects expression; and 4) Apple’s argument in this case is “enirely novel” with regard to its rejecting the right of the government to “compell speech” by way of ordering the company to write a code to provide access Sayed Farook’s iPhone. This last point is the part that can get clouded for some by the underlying privacy issue; but Golumbia is right, I believe, to sharply criticize the First Amendment defense posed by Apple.

Americans, especially those dismayed by Citizens United, will want to seriously consider what Golumbia is saying in this case.  Apple’s “compelled speech” defense asserts that the corporation not only has exactly the same free speech rights as the individual citizen; but in a code-driven world, the corporation may be shielded against any liability stemming from any number of actions. As Golumbia makes clear, the government historically compels corporations to “speak” all the time and also restricts corporate speech in a variety of ways that serve the public interest. A citizen is free to tell his friends on Facebook, “This soda cured my cold,” if he really wants to; but if Coke makes the same claim, they’re pretty screwed. And for good reason.

Of course, Apple’s argument remains hypothetical since the FBI did its own cracking, and the dispute between the computer-maker and the agency will no longer proceed through the courts.  But Golumbia is absolutely right when he writes, “The effect of embracing ‘code is speech’ is to say that governments cannot regulate what corporations do. That might seem like hyperbole, but it is 100% on board with the Silicon Valley view of the world, the overt anarcho-capitalism that many of its leaders embrace, and the covert cyberlibertarianism that so many more accept without fully understanding its consequences.”

With each step into the 21st century, more aspects of our lives become unavoidably dependent upon, or associated with, some form of code.  This underlying reality is the reason we should be critical of the view that organizations like the EFF promote when they perceive a million daily micro-aggressions against “speech” in cyberspace.  The idea that every transaction online is inherently speech—because code itself is speech—is most galling when it pretends to be a defense of individual civil liberties.  Because in practice, it is an argument that—to paraphrase Jaron Lanier—cannot help but cede political and economic power to the companies with the biggest computers.  As this would completely subvert the reason why freedom of speech is articulated in the First Amendment to begin with, it is a legal question of considerable magnitude.


ADDENDUM:  It is also worth noting that there is an extent to which words like code and algorithm become a means of separating the functions of computers from the decisions of human beings.  This rhetoric is often invoked when, for instance, OSPs seek to avoid responsibility for various actions resulting from their technologies.  Of course, if code is not an expression of human choice, then it is certainly not speech; but because it is an expression of human choice that usually has consequences in the physical world, then it is speech that implicates reasonable limits. (Thanks to a colleague for raising this point.)

Is President Obama Too Googley-Eyed?

Remember when Barack Obama first entered the White House, and he made a deal with the Secret Service to keep his Blackberry?  Admitting to his addiction to the device, the president got the agents to create a secure Blackberry that he could use while in office; and to those of us who were fans of the new president, this seemed folksy and endearing.

Although I still admire and commend this president for many things well outside the editorial scope of this blog, I am admittedly dismayed by the remarkable degree of influence that Google seems to have on his administration.  Chris Castle has reported consistently on the number of former Google executives who now work for Obama, including the nation’s Chief Technology Officer Megan Smith.  And while it is not unreasonable that a 21st century administration should hire people out of one of the world’s leading technology companies, the fact remains that Google does a lot more than make tech; its leaders project a world view that may not be the basis of good policy for the American people.  Certainly, it has not been good policy for America’s creative people.

Yesterday, Dawn Chmeilewski published an article on re/code that includes a chart of lobbyist visits to the White House in which we see that Google lobbyist Johanna Shelton visited administration officials more than twice as often as the next highest representative from Blue Cross/Blue Shield.  “Google’s head of public policy has met with White House officials 128 times over the course of the Obama administration — more visits than the telecom and cable industries combined, according to the nonpartisan watchdog group Campaign for Accountability,” writes Chmeilewski.

Meanwhile, if Obama is not purposely shaping public policy according to Google, he’s coming pretty close to doing so for reasons perhaps only he knows.  I reported a few posts ago that the new Department of Commerce Digital Economy Board includes no representative of any sector other than tech. Obama has backed the FCC AllVid proposal, which even Roku’s founder Anthony Wood describes as a Google handout.  David Dayen reported in The Intercept last week that the Obama administration certainly seems to treat the search giant with kid gloves. This is despite the fact that, “Google has faced questions for years about exercising its market power to squash rivals, infringing on its users’ privacy rights, favoring its own business affiliates in search results, and using patent law to create barriers to competition. Even Republican senators like Orrin Hatch have called out Google for its practices,” Dayen writes.

There is a lot of talk about corporate influence in our political process these days, and with good reason.  In particular, there is a considerable amount of intra-party bickering among democrats, squabbling over how much or how little Wall Street influences Hillary Clinton, or how innoculated Bernie Sanders really is from such things.  Of course, in reality, it isn’t quite that simple.  Most political leaders—with certain notable exceptions—have some sort of vision, an idea about the way society ought to progress, and all political leaders are going to hear from influential people who have access.  But access isn’t just about money. Yes, Google spends an unholy amount of money on lobbyists today, but that’s not the real question.  The real question is the extent to which Obama’s own policy agenda is in synch with Google’s policy agenda; and the more that they are, the greater the concern.

Naturally, I’m acutely concerned about the extent to which President Obama might view copyright policy through his Google Glass (assuming he got one of the remaining devices).  But as I’ve repeated since launching this blog, I believe copyright policy prefaces a much broader question as to how we intend to manage the digital age in general.  In this regard, the fact that the Obama administration is so cozy with Google does not bode well for holding the company accountable for any of its predatory, anti-trust, anti-copyright, and even anti-privacy transgressions.  And this should be a matter of concern to all Americans, not just the 5+ million working in the core copyright industries.

Tangentially, It is worth noting that, despite the tedious repetition in the blogosphere that the motion picture and recording industries exert vast and secretive influence in Washington regarding all things copyright, the chart published on re/code reveals not a single visit to the White House by a representative from the MPAA or RIAA.  No dobut, they’re meeting in an undisclosed bunker plotting to destroy the internet, while Obama’s overt relationships with all these Googlers is just a ruse.  (Seriously, I read this on the internet.)

FCC Set-Top Box Proposal is Not Consumer-Focused

FCC Chairman Wheeler has endorsed a proposal, generally referred to as AllVid, to allow third parties to sell subscriptions to television viewing through devices other than the set-top boxes rented from the cable or satelite companies.   While that may sound good for consumers and competition—and the chairman has certainly made a lot of noise about the amount we supposedly spend each year for set-top box rental—there are some very serious flaws with the proposal as it stands.  Not surprisingly, the makers of third-party devices, including Google, Radio Shack, and Sony, are endorsing the proposal, and many tech pundits have described the proposal as pro-consumer and pro-competition; but what’s on the table is drastically short sighted.

1)  Killing Off the Programming You Wanted in the First Place

As the deal stands, the third-party box-makers would be able to provide their subscribers with TV programming that these companies have not licensed.  As such, if the deal goes through, consumers could easily find themselves with more access to a lot less programming over time.  The licensing agreements, which allow traditional cable and satellite providers to distribute the programming, are the financial foundation that enables investment in TV production, including the health and pension plans for just about every member of the crew.

Many people recognize that we are experiencing a Golden Age of small-screen viewing, with production values unlike anything television provided 15-20 years ago.  Consumers have come to expect their favorite shows to reflect some of the best creative and technical work the industry has to offer, but that work costs money.  Meanwhile, most hit shows already face enough drain from outright piracy without the FCC allowing a company like Google to “legally” make TV available without having to license it.  Moreover, as The Walking Dead producer Gale Ann Hurd wrote in an OpEd for USA Today, this proposal can foster a kind of “channel surfing” between legal and illegal platforms.

“It would also allow Google — and for that matter set-top box manufacturers from all over the world, including China (where rogue boxes are being built by the millions) — to create and market applications or boxes with software that will treat legitimate and stolen material exactly the same, and could in many cases help steer consumers to piracy.”

This proposal is short-sighted in a way that is typical of our times—based on an assumption that no matter how many ways we develop to acquire free or cheaper access, the material we want will just magically be there. This is like buying really fancy kitchen faucet while allowing the manufacturer to poison your well.

2)  RememDCA Graphic AllVidber the TV’s in 1984?
In Orwell’s novel, the TV’s watch us, right?  According to Digital Citizens Alliance, the FCC proposal does nothing to protect consumer privacy—either from Google’s stated mission to “know us” through increased data-mining, or from hackers who can turn our smart TVs into eyes and ears inside the home.  DCA’s infographic indicates that Americans are uncomfortable with Google’s increasingly watchful presence through many devices and that consumers still consider TV viewing a different experience from computer use, web browsing, etc.   For instance, parents are apt to maintain some vigilance with regard to their kids’ use of the web—or at least they should be—but allowing one’s nine-year-old to watch a TV show is supposed to be a one-way transaction.

3)  More Degradation to the Advertising Ecosystem

Digital Citizens Alliance points to the very real possibility that Google could use a viewer’s internet browsing habits to determine (via algorithm) which ads to serve along with a particular TV program.  Not only is this potentially invasive for the consumer, but it could also severely degrade the overall advertising market, which already sees considerable waste in the online ecosystem.

Presently, there is still value in a targeted media buy of 30 seconds during a hit TV show.  But under the AllVid proposal, if Google in particular is able to siphon off some portion of viewers without paying for the material, they are not only diluting the value of the network’s property but are also converting some portion of the high-value ad market into a lower-value ad market because of the opaque and diffuse manner in which online advertising exchanges work.  This could ultimately lead to Google owning far too much of the advertising market that has been traditionally driven by television programming—without the company having to invest in, or license, a single program. Sounds like SOP Google to me.

4)  A Solution Looking for a Problem

As the organization CALInnovates points out in its petiition against the FCC AllVid proposal, Chairman Wheeler is pushing for a “solution” that does not solve a consumer problem so much as it simply creates a market for the manufacturers of third-party boxes.  Meanwhile, not only are we seeing a Golden Age in quality TV content, but we’re also enjoying a technological Golden Age with increased flexibility for TV viewing via multiple platforms on just about any device through both free and subscription-based services. In fact, as Larry Downes describes in The Washington Post, the tangible TV future is already well ahead of the FCC. “On Capitol Hill last week, Republican and Democratic staffers expressed confusion over the FCC’s sudden urgency in solving a problem that seems to be going away in spite of previous efforts by the agency to enforce video standards, all of which failed,” writes Downes.

Downes also quotes Roku founder Anthony Wood (a presumptive beneficiary of the AllVid policy) who says, “The proposal isn’t actually intended to help consumers, but is rather a Trojan Horse urged by Google and others to give them free access to licensed content from major studios without having to negotiate for rights.”

The market will continue to innovate, building new flexibility as long as innovation is based on licensing and contractual agreements with producers.  CALInnovates insists the AllVid proposal will actually harm the competitive market, which will ultimately harm consumers.  It is the FCC’s job to put consumers first, to protect their privacy and security and foster a diverse competitive market. Despite the rhetoric, it is very clear why this proposal would be good for Google and other manufacturers who see an opportunity to capitalize on investments they themselves have not made.  It is no way clear how this proposal truly benefits the viewing public.