Creators, Don’t Get Fooled Again

Photo by alexskopje Pond5.
Photo by alexskopje Pond5.

In the current political climate, I imagine many artists, authors, and journalists will continue to speak up about a wide range of civil rights.  While they’re at it, they should not forget their own rights.

For five years now, I’ve written in defense of copyright as a civil liberty—as a property right, a labor right, and a force for strengthening the First Amendment despite the skeptics who insist the opposite is true. Because without in any way imagining what American creative output would become, the Framers did an interesting thing when they gave Congress the constitutional authority to write intellectual property laws.

As students of the Enlightenment, the Founders knew that the United States, with its population of three-million mostly agrarian citizens, was never going to be a mature country without investing in art and science.  They also knew that the young war-weary nation could not afford a national endowment for such luxuries; and at the same time, they were naturally wary of European models in which both the sciences and the arts were funded and directed either by the state or the nobility (See Article 1, Section 9 on the no nobility thing).

The intellectual property clause of the Constitution was an expression of both practicality and principle.  Creating an incentive for the author or inventor to make his own investment in his work reflected—in my view—the best intentions of the Framers to ennoble the individual, hoping that doing so would enrich the nation overall.  By the mid 20th century, the theory proved itself with the U.S. leading the world in the output of creative works. But intertwined with the commerce came the diverse range of expression that became the quintessentially American voice—and that voice was unavoidably political. A half century before women could vote, the suffragette and abolitionist Louisa May Alcott was one of the first truly American authors whose writing saved her family from economic ruin because one right she did have was the ability to register a copyright.

Fast forward to current events and the general reaction to the president-elect’s “demand” for an apology from the cast of Hamilton.  Sure, that was probably a bit of tactical diversion, which spawned mostly satirical responses wanting to remind the  Trump team what the First Amendment says, but the important piece of the story is Hamilton itself.  Because copyright gave Lin-Manuel Miranda an incentive to invest his sweat equity in creating the show, that became the basis for the risky investments which produced the hit which provided a platform for a company of artists to speak to an elected official about matter of concern.

In part, what’s being communicated is that the financial success of the artists reflects political power (i.e. that there is a large population which supports both message and messenger).  And artists should not lose sight of the underlying rights that give them that economic, and therefore political, voice. Or to take a different macro view, the platform Twitter, which enabled Trump’s provocation and much of the response, could still fail as a business, while theater has a pretty good track record.

Regardless of one’s policy views or party affiliations, it seems clear that the magnetic poles are shifting with regard to both tone and agenda in American politics. And because many artists are moved to respond to social conditions, we are likely to see quite a few speak out in defense of civil liberties they fear may be threatened in the current environment.  This will surely include threats—perceived or real—to the sanctity of the internet as the bulwark against encroachments on the First Amendment.  This is not a new theme, and it is one that has been exploited to great effect by the internet industry as an excuse to attack legislative measures to enforce copyrights online and/or voluntary measures to achieve that goal.

The sound of the rhetoric may change somewhat in the coming months.  If one was inclined to believe that copyright enforcement would harm free speech before, one may be twice as likely to believe that message in an increasingly anxious climate.  But it still won’t be true. If there are indeed new First Amendment infringements to come, they won’t be grounded in copyright policy.  To the contrary, no matter who occupies the Oval Office, or how cybersecurity practices evolve, the fact remains that a failure to effectively protect and respect creators’ rights online only disenfranchises the professionals whose voices have always been essential to democratic principles.

In his Friday’s Endnotes for his blog Copyhype, Terry Hart cites an appropriate quote by Lyndon Johnson from the dedication of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts on December 2, 1964:

Our civilization, too, will largely survive in the works of our creation. There is a quality in art which speaks across the gulf dividing man from man and nation from nation, and century from century. That quality confirms the faith that our common hopes may be more enduring than our conflicting hostilities.

Internet Association asks Trump to keep sticking it to creators.

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On Monday, the Internet Association, which represents most of the major online platforms, sent a letter to the president-elect asking that his administration show support for the the status quo of the CDA and the DMCA in order to sustain “innovation and free expression” online.  But for the date and the name Trump, the letter is a boilerplate industry position arguing that the OSPs’ limited-liability for actions like copyright infringement is the reason we consumers enjoy all the prosperity being fostered by the internet.  Of course, I am moved to ask, even in a reluctant spirit of bipartisanship, what prosperity?

Setting aside all the vitriol and hate-speak for a moment (and it is very hard to set aside), the primary rationale voters cited in the exit polls for their votes was a “Desire for change.” So many Americans are apparently feeling anxious about their economic prospects that they are literally grasping at straws at this point.  In this regard, both parties are guilty of dissembling on the promise to “bring jobs back” when speaking to working-class voters—projecting a false image of middle-class, manufacturing jobs returning while simply ignoring the reality of automation. Even if a new factory is built in Pennsylvania, it’s mostly going to be run by robots.

Meanwhile, the internet industry is asking the presumptive change agent that is the president-elect to support the entrenchment of 20-year-old statutes that have failed to produce anything like middle-class, economic prosperity to replace what those statutes have actually cost us.  As the letter to Trump states …

“Intermediary liability laws and policies protect free speech and creativity on the internet. This, in turn, generates substantial value for our economy and society through increased scale, greater diversity, and lowered barriers to entry for creators and entrepreneurs.” 

That sounds very pretty, but where’s the beef?  We can count the money that no longer goes into the pockets of authors, music makers, filmmakers, photographers, journalists, etc. And we can count the supporting jobs and businesses those industries no longer sustain; but where is the middle-class prosperity that’s replacing those losses—all that “substantial value for our economy” the internet industry keeps talking about?  Because if people have been enjoying that prosperity, then why all the economic anxiety?  What about the millions of voters who were on the fence about Trump but are simply so worried about dwindling economic opportunity that they figured some change—any change—was worth a shot?

The internet industry is still selling roulette economics dressed up as entrepreneurism and using that pitch to justify stealing economic value from hard-working creators. I know the internet industry largely campaigned against Trump because they personally view themselves as progressives, but from a policy perspective with regard to issues like DMCA safe harbors, I’m surprised the Internet Association wouldn’t have expected a casino owner to be an ideal ally to their way of viewing the economy.  After all, the YouTube version of “prosperity” is exactly the same as a casino. A handful of big winners makes new creators forget that most who try will lose while the house always wins. They dangle stories like PewDiePie just like golden dollar signs in a casino to convince creators there is a new way to “make it” in a market where they no longer need to care about owning the rights to their work.

Maybe it’s time for the leaders in Silicon Valley to do some soul-searching and decide whether they truly care to benefit people the way they keep claiming they do; or if they just want to protect their bottom line.  There are members of the Internet Association who are more pragmatic about finding common ground with authors and creators, some who are more willing to sit down and discuss practical and voluntary solutions to solve challenges like mass infringement and other exploitations of creative work.

Other members are less inclined to this approach, given to protectionist responses and divisive PR aimed at creators seeking voluntary and legislative measures to mitigate mass infringement.  But these folks should make up their minds.  You can’t be for the people and be anti-individual rights at the same time; and the right to protect one’s ownership in expressive works is an individual right. In fact, it happens to be the first individual right mentioned in the Constitution.  Time for Silicon Valley to put down its playbook and think more humanely about the future.

EFF Manufacturing Scandal in the Service of Google

eff-pinnochio2

On October 25, four days after the unprecedented removal of the Register of Copyrights from her office, the Electronic Frontier Foundation released a post on its Deeplinks Blog asserting rather stridently that the Copyright Office never would have reviewed the FCC “set-top-box” proposal if not for the urging of the MPAA.  I think we can now say that there is officially no line EFF will not cross, no lie it will not tell, in the service of Google’s interests over the public interest, which the organization claims to serve.  The thesis of the blog post boils down to the following syllogism:

1. We have argued that the FCC “set-top-box” proposal does not implicate copyright law.

2.  Because we are obviously correct in this view, the Copyright Office should have agreed with us.

3. Therefore, the only explanation for the Copyright Office disagreeing with us is that they must have been pressured by the MPAA.

And so, the EFF went looking for proof of the motion picture industry’s clandestine influence on the Copyright Office via a FOIA request, and they released supporting documents with their blog post that they know most people won’t bother to read.  If anyone does read the super secret emails betwixt FCC, MPAA, the Copyright Office, and the USPTO, they will discover (hold your breath) requests for meetings to discuss issues of concern with regard to the FCC proposal!  Ah ha! Meetings!

I know this may be a shocker, but there is nothing illegal or improper about any stakeholder, operating above board, requesting meetings to discuss concerns they may have with a proposal by any federal agency.  And emails to arrange meetings—I mean literally communications as banal as, “Hey, does next Tuesday work for you?”—are not subject to any rules regarding disclosure because they’re not substantive.  Nowhere in the “exposed” communications presented by the EFF is there any evidence of motion picture representatives drawing conclusions for Register Pallante that she would not have come to on her own with regard to the FCC “set-top-box” proposal.  The FCC proposal, like any other federal agency proposal, allows for comments from multiple stakeholders that become part of the public record and which members of any other agency may read and consider.  It is also neither illegal nor improper for a stakeholder to send an email to a member of an agency to say, “This is our statement for your consideration.”

The broader point is that one does not need to be an expert at the level of Maria Pallante or MPAA’s attorneys to consider that any proposal which fundamentally alters a licensing paradigm between producers and distributors—as the FCC proposal clearly does—is going to have at least some copyright implications.  Had the EFF made a more nuanced argument, that would be one thing, but to assert that the Copyright Office simply never would have entertained a copyright angle without pressure from the MPAA is just an outright lie.  What the EFF doesn’t like is that their position on the FCC proposal is wrong, and so they’ve tried to manufacture a scandal on the heels of Pallante’s unprecedented and bizarrely orchestrated removal from office.  Why?  Presumably, because they know that at least a segment of the public will find the Hollywood-intrigue narrative easier to follow and far more dramatic than the more complex, but less interesting, truth.

On the other hand …

If a hint of scandal is what the reader wants, consider the October 25th notice from the Campaign for Accountability, which asked FCC Counsel to investigate emails between the FCC Chairman Tom Wheeler and Google VP Vint Cerf.  What’s the problem? Unlike innocuous emails requesting meetings, the FCC’s rules require disclosure of ex parte communications that amount to substantive comments on policy.  In its letter to counsel, the CFA cites an April 8th email from Mr. Cerf to Chairman Wheeler expressing his substantive views with regard to the commission’s April 1 notice on protecting consumer privacy within the ambit of the “set-top-box” proposal. In case you’re not following the bouncing ball, Google likes to harvest user data and doesn’t have great track record on the privacy thing.

See what happened there is that a Google executive expressed a relevant, policy-focused comment via email pertaining to the FCC proposal, and the FCC was supposed to disclose the comment and didn’t.  At least that’s CFA’s view.  Whether or not there are more communications of this nature remains to be seen, but against the backdrop of Google’s now well-documented influence throughout the current administration, it’s hard to imagine that anyone is still believing the narrative that “Hollywood” is pulling the strings with regard to the FCC proposal.

Perhaps more significantly is that while the EFF pitches a non-scandal in an effort to erase the copyright implications of the FCC proposal, they seem remarkably unconcerned about those privacy implications, which one would think should to take precedence for an organization claiming to defend consumers in the digital market.  Why?  Assume for the moment that the producers are wrong about the proposal undermining the investment model that creates television shows. That would still leave the privacy concerns with regard to what kind of data Google would be allowed to harvest from the magic TV box it wants to put in your home.  The EFF’s overplayed hand on the copyright issues combined with their silence on the privacy issues related to the FCC proposal suggest that this organization largely cares about one thing:  whatever Google wants.