David is an author, communications professional, and copyright advocate. After more than 20 years providing creative services and consulting in corporate communications, he shifted his attention to law and policy, beginning with advocacy of copyright and the value of creative professionals to America’s economy, core principles, and culture.
The shoe is on the other foot with me as interview subject. In this podcast, I talk with Pilar Alessandra, founder and instructor of the internationally known On the Page® consulting and teaching program for screenwriters. Yes, the occasion for the interview is the release of my new bookWho Invented Oscar Wilde? The Photograph at the Center of Modern American Copyright, but we mostly goof off, talking copyright, creativity, and culture.
There are a lot of posts going around lately about that photo. You know the one. It depicts St. Louis attorneys Mark and Patricia McCloskey standing locked and loaded—he with an AR15, she with a Bryco Model 38 handgun—in front of their large house on the afternoon of June 28th. That was the day when approximately 500 protestors, in response to the murder of George Floyd, entered a private, gated neighborhood and passed the McCloskeys’ house on their way to protest outside the home of St. Louis Mayor Lyda Krewson. According to one ABC Newsreport, the couple grabbed their weapons “when two or three protesters — who were white — violently threatened the couple, and their property and that of their neighbors.”
While that factual allegation begs many questions, I shall avoid litigating the McCloskeys’ decision to brandish firearms in this instance other than to say that they made a conscious choice to do so with a very reasonable expectation that their actions would be recorded by a multitude of cameras. One of these was the camera of professional photographer William Greenblatt, who captured the image that truly made the McCloskeys famous, or infamous depending on one’s point of view.
The reason I’m writing about it on this blog is that headlines and comments report that the McCloskeys are suing Greenblatt for, among other things, the “copyright in the photograph.” Their complaint appears to be a counter-suit in response to the fact that Mr. Greenblatt sent the couple an invoice for $1,500 after they made unlicensed reproductions of the photo for this year’s McCloskey Christmas card (jolly, no?).
The named defendants in the
suit include Greenblatt, United Press International (UPI), and a company called
Redbubble, which apparently licensed Greenblatt’s image to reprint on merchandise
that, as one might imagine, lampoons the couple. So, now we have a ballgame. But
if we separate the volatile, emotional issues surrounding these events, what
are the legal aspects in this little pissing match on the Mississippi? And
before I go there, let me stipulate that despite my own impression of the
McCloskeys as ridiculous figures, I acknowledge that photographs can be very
deceptive storytellers, even images that appear to say precisely what Greenblatt’s
photo appears to say in this instance.
The McCloskeys filed a litany
of right of publicity (ROP) complaints in Missouri State Court. Missouri
recognizes common law rights of publicity as intertwined with the right of
privacy, and the McCloskeys are suing the co-defendants for reputational harm
and emotional distress stemming from the exploitation of the photo and the
associated public ridicule. Among the forms of relief they ask for is “an order
transferring ownership of the Photo and any other media captured while
trespassing ….”
The complaint rests substantially on the allegation of trespassing, which is an invasion of privacy; and, as a technical matter, Greenblatt and the protestors were supposedly doing just that. The protestors reportedly broke down a gate and entered a private community—an accusation* that has given many gun rights advocates grounds to argue that the McCloskeys acted properly.
But regardless of the presumption that all 500 protestors were, strictly speaking, trespassing on a private road, Greenblatt was there as a photographer, documenting events as they happened. He has the right to follow a story almost anywhere it leads. And whether more Americans applaud or scorn the McCloskeys’ decision to bring out their guns, even if Greenblatt was standing on private property, doesn’t necessarily matter. What the McCloskeys did constituted a newsworthy event that Greenblatt captured, as did hundreds of other amateur photographers.
So, to the extent that an invasion of privacy could undermine the photographer’s right to capture the image in the first place, it strikes me that the trespassing would only be relevant if the protestors intentionally drew the McCloskeys from their home with the purpose of making them feel threatened and ridiculed, and that Greenblatt capitalized on that intent, as the complaint almost seems to imply. I am speculating here, as I am hardly versed in Missouri ROP case law, but I suspect that Greenblatt’s press right to capture a newsworthy moment will ultimately prevail (if this case even proceeds) over the allegation that he intentionally trespassed with the purpose of exploiting the McCloskeys for his own financial gain.
The facts as we know them support the narrative that the McCloskeys reacted to the protestors (a subgroup in a nationwide protest), who were walking past their home, and Greenblatt merely photographed the couple once they engaged in voluntary conduct in plain view of several hundred people. The McCloskeys’ decision, right or wrong, was no longer private. On the contrary, it was destined to be national and international news the moment they stepped outside, unless one can reasonably believe that they were somehow unaware that nearly every protestor would be carrying a camera.
That Greenblatt’s newsworthy photograph, among many others, went viral online—and inspired a whirlwind of ridicule—should not be a matter of Mr. Greenblatt’s liability or anybody else’s. Further, it strains reason to believe that the McCloskeys consider the image wholly damming if they really did use it to make a Christmas card. At best, this implies that they do not really mind the image itself, as long as they can try to control its interpretation in a flattering light. If that is their intent, this would be one reason why the couple would seek transfer of the copyrights in the image.
But aside from the fact that there is no controlling how the public will interpret any image, the negative perception of the McCloskeys was likely formed within minutes after their gun-toting images appeared online. Regardless, what the McCloskeys did was significant news. And even in most cases where the invasion of privacy is more aggressive, and the photograph taken is less newsworthy (e.g. paparazzi hounding certain celebrities), courts tend to favor the photographer’s right to capture and distribute the image.
Overall, I suspect the St. Louis couple is about to learn that the subjects of photographs very rarely have any right to control the use of those photos, and that the prospect of obtaining the rights to Greenblatt’s photo as a remedy to their ROP complaints is quite low. That said, there may be a legal path forward on the merchandise aspect vis-à-vis Redbubble because the merch in this case implies extended public ridicule for commercial gain, a subject that may deserve deeper consideration in principle.
After all, if instead of ridiculing the McCloskeys for engaging in conduct that many people find absurd, we were talking about selling merchandise with an embarrassing Emma Watson photo to consumers who hate her for her outspoken feminism, we begin to see how this kind of image exploitation can be rather disquieting.
It was inevitable, living in an age of self-surveillance with a networked camera in every hand, that we would increasingly see stories that convoke the common law rights of publicity and privacy with the federal rights of press freedom and copyright. And while the McCloskey lawsuit may prove fairly straightforward for the reasons stated—and it barely has anything to do with copyright—some of this story’s themes are reprised in a much more complex narrative unfolding with regard to celebrities and photographers whose pursuit of their image push the boundaries of stalking. I will try to make that the subject of a post in the near future.
*Originally published as “a fact that has given…” Thanks to reader David Carson, photographer at the St. Louis Post-Dispatch for sharing this video link showing the manner in which the protestors entered the community.
As thoughts turn to transition and, with any luck, healing divisions, the Biden-Harris administration should avoid any temptation to repeat mistakes made by the Obama administration with regard to cyber policy. I admire Barack Obama for many reasons, but the fact remains that his administration was too cozy with Silicon Valley, and this was understandable, if not entirely reasonable or prescient.
Let’s face it, in those days, Obama was hardly alone in staring Googley-eyed at the shiny objects bestowed upon us by the magic innovation factories in Northern California. Wall Street was ebullient. The press was eager to parrot the virtues of “free speech and innovation” in between scholarly sounding chats with billionaire whiz kids. And the public generally seemed to accept the narrative that the internet was super-charging democracy worldwide and should, therefore, be left to self-regulate—or at least to the illusion that it was self-regulating. So, of course Barack Obama, the first post-Boomer president, the guy who famously wanted to keep his Blackberry when he entered the White House, was a tech-geek.
But President Biden will inherit a very different
America—one chagrined by having its dirtiest laundry displayed across every
screen—a nation that has to confront deep divisions and the painful acknowledgement
that we are not even on the same page with regard to the most classical
principles in American civics. Or perhaps more frustratingly, we may be more on
the same page than we think, but we will never know it because forces beyond
our control are deepening our apparent divisions of which Trump is both a
symptom and a cause. Without a doubt, one of those forces is the internet.
The Biden administration has announced that it will
“Establish a new Task Force on Online Harassment and Abuse to focus on the
connection between mass shootings, online harassment, extremism, and violence
against women.”
A good start. The next administration must take a more
critical, more skeptical look at how toxic some of the flaws in our cyber
policy truly are. As my friend Neil Turkewitz writes,
“For far too long, we have been operating under a myth of
neutrality, and excused malfeasance as a cost of liberty. Not only is the myth
wrong, but the costs have principally fallen on the most vulnerable members of
the community.”
But although the Financial Timespredicts
that Silicon Valley cannot expect the kind of relationship it had with the
Obama administration, it also notes a number of potentially uncomfortable
allies, including that former Google chief executive Eric Schmidt is “being
talked about to lead a new technology industry task force.” I hope the
Biden-Harris administration will take note that this chickens-minding-the-foxes
approach to cyber policy played a significant role in fostering the very
divisions Mr. Biden says he is determined to heal.
Real Policy Reform vs. Rhetoric
There has been a lot of noise in congressional
committees about Section 230 vis-à-vis claims of censorship and political bias—allegations
that are not only unfounded but are acts of legislative malfeasance toward
those American citizens who are actually harmed by over broad interpretations
of Section 230. Just like a deadly virus, online harassment can reach anyone
anywhere; it knows no party loyalty.
Most acutely, women and girls have been victimized to the point of suicide by various forms of online harassment. Non-consensual pornography, now enhanced by the technology called “deepfakes,” enables individuals with limited technical skills and no morals to harass their victims across any distance. Job loss, destruction of relationships, PTSD, and physical assaults have all resulted from online harassment. It is long past time for the White House and Congress to jointly confront the fact that laissez-faire management by online providers has failed and that there is ample justification for dramatically rethinking the “neutral platform” narrative that has driven public policy to date. As scholar Mary Anne Franks, in her book Cult of the Constitution writes:
Extending liability beyond direct actors
can be justified on both fairness and public policy grounds. First, it is only
fair that people who benefit from the illicit actions of others should be held
partly accountable for the harm they cause. Second, third-party liability
creates incentives for powerful intermediaries to engage in proactive steps to
discourage unlawful conduct before it happens, and to respond quickly and
effectively when it does.
In case anyone is looking for a model of what bipartisan cooperation on cyber policy looks like, the IP Subcommittee of the Senate Judiciary Committee in its hearings on the Digital Millennium Copyright Act would be instructive. Like Section 230, DMCA Section 512 provides platforms with a specific type of liability shield, but because the subject of copyright enforcement is not so easily politicized along party lines, Chairman Tillis and Ranking Member Coons have been conducting the same conversation. Consequently, debate about the DMCA is driven by substantive policy discussion, as it should be, not by members of either party generating sound bites that have nothing to do with serving any citizen’s real interests.
While it may be naïve even to hope for bipartisanship
in the near future, there can be no question that the ball is in the Republican
leadership’s court. Either members of that party, acting in good faith, will
lay down the weapons of misinformation and extraordinary divisiveness, or they
will double-down on what we now call Trumpism, and America will remain
in this murky, tense détente indefinitely. But as healing often begins with
small steps, it seems reasonable to ask the government of 2021 to coalesce
around the agenda implied by President-Elect Biden’s Online Task Force. The
goal to limit the role of cyberspace in fostering harassment, incitement of
violence, and mass shootings should not be the least bit controversial.
The Illusion of More is my personal blog from December 2011 to December 2025. As of February 2026, I am no longer posting new blogs or other content, but I hope you enjoy this archive. Please do not attribute any of my writings here to my current or previous employers.
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